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Granite State Magazine 

An Illustrated Monthly Devoted to the His- 
tory, Story, Scenery, Industry and 
Interest of New Hampshire 


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Manchester, N. H. 



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Drawn by F. S. Church 



Contente-lM- VI 


Alaskan Gold (Poem). Winthrop Packard 164 

Bales, George E. Gray Fairlee 85 

Bass, Robert Perkins. A Staff Contributor 169 

Battle of Bennington. Dr. William O. Stillman 21 

Bean, Emory C. (Poem) Cloudland Faces 72 

Brown, Hon/George H. A Staff Contributor 37 

Browne, George Waldo 

In Stage-Coach Days 177, 225, 265 

Picturesque Land, The 201, 241 

Sargeant, Frank W 165 

Smith, Edward C. 166 

Buckham, James (Poem). The Old Rifle 89 

Burke, Dorris L. The Town Bill 161 

Bush, Florence Louise (Poem). Love at Eventide 216 

Character Sketches. Nestor of the Farms ... 1, 45, 125, 169, 233, 273 

Childhood Days (Poem). Helen Merrill Choate 116 

Choate, Helen Merrill (Poem). Childhood Days 116 

Trysting Place (Poem). 176 

Cilley, Gen. Joseph. John Scales, A. M 73, 117, 145, 2S1 

Clark, Rev. Matthew. The Editor 113 

Cloudland Faces (Poem). Emory C. Bean 72 

Clock Tinker, The. Nestor of the Farms 233 

Coureur du Bois. Nestor of the Farms 125 

Contrasts in Geography. Marvin Dana 56 

Colby, Fred Myron (Poem). Homesteads of New England . . 175 

Country Doctor, The. Nestor of the Farms 45 

Crown Point Road, The. Hon. Albin S. Burbank 129 

Dana, Marvin. Contrasts in Geography 56 

Douglas, Marion (Poem). Rev. Matthew Clark 113 

Kagle in American History. Editor 35 

Editor's Window 197, 237 

Early Orford. Rev. Grant Powers 149 




Early Posts and Post Riders. George Waldo Browne 177 

Fairlee, Gray. New Hampshire Fire Insurance Company . . . 193 

New Hampshire Railroads 81 

Picturesque I .and, The 201, 241 

Falkenbury, Francis E. The Open Road 144 

Farrell, Gabriel, Jr. Capt. Samuel Morey and His Steam-Boat 193 

Foss, Sam Walter (Poem). Work for Small Men 2SS 

Foster, Herbert D. Stark's Independent Command at Benning- 
ton '. . 5, 57 

Frontier Heroine, A Rev. Grant Powers 55 

Goshen, Sketch of. A. W. & W. R. Nelson 104 

Views in 109 

Heroic Incidents. G. W. Browne 197 

Homesteads of New England (Poem). Fred Myron Colby .... 175 

Hoyt, Martin W. Rambles in Whittier-Land 217,257 

Hunter's Moon, The 35 

In Stage-Coach Days. George Waldo Browne 177, 225, 265 

Laconica. Prophet of the Pines 277 

Love at Eventide (Poem). Florence L. Bush 216 

Major John Moor. Hon. Albert Moor Spear 29 

March of Liberty. Mrs, Henry Champion 197 

Mexico. A New Englander 49 

Morton, Nelson Glacier (Poem). The Silver Lining 192 

My Uncle's Coonskin Coat. Stranger 185 

Nelson, A. W. & W. R. Goshen 104 

Nestor of the Farms. Character Sketches ... 1, 45, 125, 169, 233, 273 

New Hampshire Fire Insurance Co. Gray Fairlee 81 

"New Hampshire Railroads. Gray Fairlee 81 

Old Leather Latch String (Poem) Opp. 80 

Old Rifle (Poem), James Buckham . 89 

Open Road, The (Poem). Francis P2. Falkenbury 144 

Oxen, The (Poem). Anon 139 

Picturesque Land, The. Gray Fairlee 201, 241 

Post Rider, The. Nestor of the Farms 1 

Powers, Rev. Grant. A Frontier Heroine 55 

Early Orford 140 

Prophecy, A 36 

Prophet of the Pines. Laconica 277 



Puritan, The. Nestor of the Farms 165 

Rambles in Whittier- Land. Martin W. Hoyt 217,257 

Return of the Fleet 34 

Roses and Thorns (Poem) 88 

Sargeant, Frank W. G. Waldo Browne 165 

Scales, John, A. M. Gen. John Cilley 73, 117, 145, 2S1 

Scottish Thrift 36 

Silver Lining, The (Poem). Nelson G. Morton 192 

Smith, Edward C. G. Waldo Browne 166 

Spear, Hon. Albert Moor. Major John Moor 29 

Staff Contributor, A. Robert Perkins Bass 169 

Stark's Independent Command at Bennington. Herbert D. Foster 

... 5,57 

Steamboat Built by Morey. Gabriel Farrell, Jr. 93 

Stillman, Dr. William O. Battle of Bennington . 21 

Stranger. My Uncle's Coonskin Coat 185 

Sword of Bunker Hill (Poem). Anon 29 

Symonds, Arthur G. West Hopkinton 211 

Town Bill, The Dorris L. Burke 161 

Trysting Place, The Helen Merrill Choate 176 

Viking, The Nestor of the Farms 273 

West Hopkinton. Arthur G. Symonds 211 

Whittemore, Arthur G. Gray Fairlee 84 

Work for Small Men. Sam Walter Foss 288 

Young, Oscar L. Gray Fairiee 87 



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Hist nf 3 lustrations' 


Alone , 241 

Among the Hills. Photograph by S. E. Taylor 246 

Bales, George E. (Portrait) Opp 84 

Bass, Hon. Robert P. (Portrait) Opp 100 

Homestead Opp 173 

Battle of Bennington, Plan of • 25 

Brown, Hon. George H. (Portrait) Opp 37 

Captain's Well Drawn by Howard Pyle Opp 257 

Catamount Tavern 28 

Cilley, Gen. Jonathan P. (Portrait) Opp 73 

Clark, Rev. Matthew (Portrait) Opp 113 

Clock Tinker, The. Painting by Frank French ........ 234 

Country Doctor, The. From Rogers' Statuary 46 

Coureur du Pois. Drawn by Frederic Remington 125 

Crosby, Uberto C. (Portrait) Opp 193 

French, John C. (Portrait) Opp 193 

French, Frank The Clock Tinker 234 

Flowers of Memory Frontispiece 

Goshen, Views in Congregational Church . . 110 

Grange Hall 110 

Rand's Pond 109 

Sugar Camp Opp 108 

Town House 108 

Union Church '. . 109 

Gow, A. C. Capt. Samuel Morey Opp 93 

Engine Model Opp 97 

Morey Homestead Opp 100 

Orford and River Opp 101 

Hills of New Hampshire. Photograph by S. E. Taylor .... 242 

Knupp, Jacob (Portrait) * . . . Opp 49 

McGregor Gun 89 

Morey, Capt. Samuel Pen and Ink Sketch by A. C. Gow . Opp 93 

Morey's Model Engine A. C. Gow Opp 97 



Morey Homestead. A. C. Gow Opp 100 

Mount Washington. Drawn by G. F. Frankenstein 244 

My Uncle's Coonskin Coat. Drawn by J. Warren Thyng . Opp 185 

Nancy's Rock. Painting by Isaac Sprague 242 

Old Leather Latch String. Drawn by J. Warren Thyng . . Opp 80 

Orford and Connecticut River. Drawn by A. C. Gow . . . Opp 101 

Parting of the Waters, The 248 

Plan, Battle of Bennington 25 

Picturesque Land. From Oakes' White Mountain Scenery . . . 

Gateway of the Notch. By Isaac Sprague 206 

Mount Washington. By G. F. Frankenstein 244 

Nancy's Rock. By Isaac Sprague 246 

White Mountain Notch. By Isaac Sprague 204 

White Mountain Range. By Isaac Sprague 202 

Post Rider, The 2, 177 

Puritan, The. From an Old Painting 165 

Running Free Opp 109 

Sargeant, Frank W. (Portrait) Opp 165, 193 

Smith, Edward C. (Portrait) Opp 166 

Stage Coach of 1818. From an Old Print Opp 225 

Stage Coach of 1828 Opp 249 

Stage Coach of 1842. From an Old Print Opp 265 

Stark, Gen. John (Portrait) Opp 5 

Straw, Ezekiel A. Opp 193 

Thyng, J. Warren My Uncle's Coonskin Coat Opp 185 

Old Leather Latch String Opp 80 

Weston, James A. (Portrait) Opp 193 

West Hopkinton. In the Past 212 

Of the Present 214 

New Mills 216 

White Mountain Gateway. Painting by Isaac Sprague 206 o 

Notch. Painted by Isaac Sprague 204 

Range. Painted by Isaac Sprague 202 

Whittier, John G. (Portrait) Opp 217 

Land. (Two Views) ' * * . . Opp 221 

Whittemore Arthur G. (Portrait) Opp 81 

Young, Oscar L. (Portrait) Opp 85 


No. VI 

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Chara&er Sketches 


"The Post-Kider " 

^HE CURRENT of the years, like the tide of a 
great river, carries on its surface many changes 
4>£« ■'''Ml in the affairs of men. Customs that were com- 
kl ^^-^^ jjj mon yesterday are forgotten to-day. This fact 
relates more especially to civilized people. It is due to the 
evolution of progress. Savages know very little of change 
either in their manner of living or dying, simply because they 
do not advance. The story of one generation may describe 
the lives of many. History, if it were written of them, would 
prove a dull tale 

The carriers of the messages and news packages of a 
people have always been invested with romantic interest, from 
the tattooed runner of the Far East, carrying his missive in 
a cleft stick, to the uniformed postman of our big cities, plodding 
wearily along the paved walks of their routes, But of 
greater interest than either class was the mounted post-rider, 
who moved swiftly over hill and dale, from country home to 
home. A more sightly or picturesque sight could not well be 
imagined, as he swept over some elevated section of the high- 
way where the wintry wind laughed with cutting scorn at his 
reckless riding. With the graceful poise of an old cavalryman 
he bestrode his gallant steed, its nostrils and flanks white with 
the morning frost, while his tight- fitting jacket was buttoned 
closely about his stalwart form, his fur cap pulled down 
over his ears, half concealing his clear-cut, good-natured 
countenance, and the flowing ends of his crimson scarf 
streaming in the air like the pennons of a ship stemming a gale. 

Add to this picture the blare of his bugle horn, the clouds 

of snow-dust that ever and anon enveloped himself and steed. 
with the expedant looks upon the faces of the watchers peer- 
ing out of the windows along his course as he sped by. flinging 
to one a letter and another a paper, calling back cheerily as he 
disappeared like a spedre of the road : 

"A piping morning! Snow to-morrow! Jones has heard 
from his brother in South America. The bridge has gone 
down at Boardman's Crossing." 

No more varied or piduresque type of manhood could be 
found than one of these post-riders, and the experiences of 
any of them, spiced with the anecdotes of their acquaintances 
and seasoned with the hardships of their long drives, would 
fill a volume. 


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park's Sintiepeniient Commanb at 

By Herbert D. Foster, with the Collaboration of Thomas W. 


N THE 18th of July, twelve days after the Amer- 
icans abandoned Fort Ticonderoga, there was 
laid before the General Court of New Hamp- 
shire a vigorous appeal to aid "the defenceless inhabitants 
on the frontier" of Vermont, who "are heartily disposed to 
Defend their Liberties . . . and make a frontier for your 
State with their own." "You will naturally understand 
that when we cease to be a frontier your state must take 
it," was the shrewd hint with which Ira Allen closed his 
letter. Seldom has there been made a speech with clearer 
vision and more immediate and lasting effect than was 
made on that day by Speaker John Langdon. In four 
ringing sentences, he put "At the service of the State" 
his worldly goods of those days — "hard money," "plate," 
and "Tobago Rum." Then he added this prophecy: 

"We can raise a brigade; and our friend Stark, who 
so nobly sustained the honor of our arms at Bunker's Hill, 
may safely be entrusted with the command, and we will 
check Burgoyne." 

With this pledge and prophecy, New Hampshire began 
her share in the campaign which made Bennington and 
Saratoga possible. On that same day the first part of the 
prophecy was fulfilled by the election of John Stark as 
Brigadier General. Before a month had passed, "our 
friend Stark" had fulfilled the remainder; he had raised a 
brigade, and he had "checked Burgoyne" at Bennington. 



How the Battle of Bennington was won is an interest- 
ing tale; but it has been told often and well, by the victors, 
by the vanquished, by the critics of both, and finally by 
the critics of one another. The object of this paper, 
therefore, is not to describe the battle, but rather to show 
how there came to be an American force at Bennington 
capable of fighting any battle. 

A score of the participants in the battle, and more 
than a score of the participants in what we may venture to 
call the campaign of Bennington, have left us fragments 
of the story. These fragments, printed and unprinted, 
have been collected by the writers of this article and put 
together into a daily record from the pen of the partici- 
pants — American, British, and German. These contestants 
reveal, in their sequence, the actions and motives of both 
parties in the struggle. Their combined daily record 
sheds somewhat more of the white light of truth, or at 
least the gray light of history, on the causes and results 
of Stark's Independent Command, which proved such a 
vital factor in the campaign. From the participants we 
may hope to glean a clearer and therefore juster idea of 
why the independent command was granted by New 
Hampshire; second, how it enabled Stark to carry out the 
sound strategy once planned by Schuyler, always approved 
by Washington, and fortunately insisted upon by Stark and 
the Vermont Council; and third, how it was regarded by 
Stark's fellow soldiers and citizens, by the Continental 
officers, and by Congress. 

On the 1 8th of July, after John Langdon's speech, 
New Hampshire, under extraordinary circumstances took 
unusual action which gave rise to much discussion and 
criticism. The General Court appointed ''the Hon ble Wil- 
liam Whipple Esq." and "the Hon bl John Stark Esq." 
Brigadier Generals, and voted "that the said Brigadier 
Generals be always amenable for their conduct to the Gen- 
eral Court or Committee of Safety for the time being." 
It is the omission that is significant: Stark was not made 


"amenable" to Congress, to the officers of the Continental 
Army, or to continental regulations. 

The reasons which led New Hampshire to give Stark 
this independent command are set forth clearly in an 
unpublished letter of Josiah Bartlett, written a month 
after the battle was fought. Bartlett was a member of the 
General Court which appointed Stark, and of the New 
Hampshire Committee of Safety which gave him his 
instructions; and after the Battle of Bennington, he was 
sent to advise Stark. Bartlett was also a Colonel in the 
New Hampshire militia, had twice represented his state in 
Congress, and later was to serve her as a Chief Justice 
and as Governor. Because of his intimate knowledge of 
state affairs, his wide experience, and his sound judgment, 
the following opinions are entitled to unusual confidence. 

"I am much Surprized to hear the uneasiness Ex- 
pressed by the Congress at the orders given him, [Stark] by 
this state; I think it must be owing to their not Knowing 
our Situation at that time. The Enemy appeared to be 
moving down to our frontiers and no man to oppose them 
but the militia and Col. Warners Regiment not Exceeding 
150 men, and it was impossible to raise the militia to be 
under the Command of Gen ls in whom they had no Confi- 
dence, and who might immediately call them to the South- 
ward and leave their wives and families a prey to the 
enemy: and had Gen 1 Starks gone to Stillwater agreable 
to orders; there would have been none to oppose Col 
Baum in carrying Gen 1 Burgoine's orders into Execution: 
No State wishes more Earnestly to keep up the union than 
New Hampshire, but Surely Every State has a right to 
raise their militia for their own Defence against the Com- 
mon Enemy and to put them under such Command as 
they shall think proper without giving just cause of uneasi- 
ness to the Congress. As to the State giving such orders 
to Gen 1 Starks, because he had not the rank he thought 
himself entitled to, (which seems to be intimated) I can 
assure you is without foundation and I believe never 


entered the mind of any of the Committee of Safety who 
gave the orders; however I hope by this time the Congress 
are convinced of the upright intentions of the State and 
the propriety of their conduct. ..." 

No more convincing statement of the reasons for 
granting the independent command could be given to-day. 
The only query is: do the facts substantiate Bartlett's 
statements as to the causes and results of the independ- 
ent command? 

The statement as to the lack of confidence in the 
generals of the Northern Department is only too amply 
substantiated. "The people are disgusted, disappointed and 
alarmed," wrote the New York Council of Safety on the 27th 
of July, to the New Hampshire Committee of Safety. To 
General Putnam even more explicitly they wrote: "The 
evacuation of Ticonderoga appears to the Council highly 
reprehensible . . . absurd and probably criminal." "I 
. . . agree with you," replied the Chairman of the New 
Hampshire Committee, "that the loss of Ticonderoga, in 
the manner it was left, has occasioned the loss of all confi- 
dence, among the people in these parts, in the general offi- 
cers of that department." The investigations by Con- 
gress, the letters of Washington, John Adams, Samuel 
Adams, Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., Van Cortlandt, and of 
less known soldiers and civilians show that the distrust was 
deep and widespread. Schuyler himself, the commander 
of the Northern Department, finding himself at Fort 
Edward "at the head of a handful of men — not above 
fifteen hundred," and "the country in the deepest conster- 
nation," wrote to Washington: "what could induce the 
general officers to a step which has ruined our affairs in 
this quarter, God only knows." The loss of confidence 
was the more dangerous because known and reckoned on 
by the enemy. Philip Skene, Burgoyne's Tory adviser, 
wrote to Lord Dartmouth on the 15th of July: "The men 
want confidence in their officers and their Off rs in their 
men." "The King," says Walpole, "on receiving the 


account of taking Ticonderoga, ran into the Queen's room 
crying, 'I have beat them! beat all the Americans!'" 

There may have been much prejudice and misunder- 
standing involved in the distrust of the general officers, 
and in the case of Schuyler there undoubtedly was, for he 
has been amply vindicated as a brave and capable officer 
accomplishing a thankless task under peculiarly difficult 
circumstances. The distrust was, however, so widespread 
and ineradicable, and the danger so pressing, that decisive 
measures had to be adopted. 

With Stark's acceptance of an independent command, 
the situation changed at once. The enthusiasm was so 
great that the rapidity of recruiting and enlisting seems 
almost incredible. On the very day of Stark's appoint- 
ment, Captain McConnell of Pembroke, a delegate to the 
Assembly, "engaged" for the service. The next day, the 
19th of August, he, and Captain Bradford of Amherst and 
Captain Parker of New Ipswich, some sixty miles from 
Exeter, had recruited three companies of 221 men. The 
news swept up the Merrimack valley on Sunday the 20th 
of July, through Hudson and Hollis, Londonderry and 
Epsom, Loudon and Boscawen, to Salisbury, fifty-eight 
miles distant from Exeter, where Ebenezer Webster, 
father of Daniel Webster, raised his company of fifty- 
four men. 

"As soon as it was decided to raise volunteer com- 
panies and place them under the command of Gen. Stark, 
Col. Hutchins [delegate from Concord] mounted his horse, 
and travelling all night with all possible haste, reached 
Concord on Sabbath afternoon, before the close of public 
service. Dismounting at the meeting-house door, he 
walked up the aisle of the church while Mr. Walker was 
preaching. Mr. Walker paused in his sermon, and said — 
'Col. Hutchins, are you the bearer of any message?' 'Yes,' 
replied the Colonel: 'Gen. Burgoyne, with his army, is on 
his march to Albany. Gen. Stark has offered to take the 
command of the New Hampshire men: and, if we all turn 

10 stark's command at bennington 

out, we can cut off Burgoyne's march.' Whereupon Rev, 
Mr. Walker said — 'My hearers, those of you who are will- 
ing to go, better leave at once.' At which word all the 
men in the meeting-house rose and went out. Many 
immediately enlisted. The whole night was spent in 
preparation, and a company was ready to march next day." 
There must have been many similar scenes on that Sun- 
day of recruiting, for before it ended seven companies of 
419 men were enlisted. 

On the third day of recruiting, seven more companies, 
numbering 390 men, volunteered under Captains from 
Chester and Pelham in the southeast; from Lyndeboro; 
and then, on the other side of the watershed, from 
Rindge, from Walpole and from Charlestown, one hundred 
and ten miles to the northwest on the Connecticut; and 
from Plymouth nearly as for distant on the northern fron- 
tier, -Five more companies numbering 252 men, enlisted 
on the next day, the 22nd of July, under Captains from 
Hopkinton, Gilmanton, and Sanbornton in the Merrimack 
region, and from Gilsum and Chesterfield in the southwest 
in the Connecticut basin. On the 23d of July, two com- 
panies enlisted under Captains from Chesterfield in the 
southwestern corner and from Hanover on the northwest- 
ern frontier; and on the following day the last of the 
twenty-five companies was recruited. 

In these six days of recruiting, from the 19th to the 
24th of July, 1,492 officers and men had enlisted to serve 
under Stark, and many of them had already begun their 
march to join him. The number of volunteers is the more 
remarkable, if we remember that in the sparsely settled 
state, with its scattered hamlets, most of them settled in 
the last generation, there were only 15,436 polls, accord- 
ing to the returns of that year. This would mean that 
nearly one man in ten of a voting age volunteered. In 
many of the towns more than ten per cent, of the 
males over sixteen years old volunteered. In half a 
dozen towns taken at random in different sections of 



the state, there enlisted on an average over fifteen per 
cent. In Chesterfield, out of 221 males over sixteen, 
twenty-one volunteered, or 9% per cent.; in Hanover, 9.8 
per cent.; in Concord, over ten per cent.; in Swanzey, 12 
per cent.; in Candia, 25 per cent.; and in Salisbury under 
Captain Ebenezer Webster, forty-one men volunteered, or 
over 36 per cent, of the male population over sixteen years 

Three facts explain this almost incredible swiftness of 
enlistment: first, the spreading of the news through the 
return of the delegates from the three days' session at 
Exeter; second, the payment of "advanced wages"; and 
third, the eagerness to enlist under Stark. The people, 
especially the militia, may have suggested such action and 
consequently may have been expecting some such news; 
this is at least a plausible hypothesis which makes intelli- 
gible the rapid enlistment immediately on the return of the 
representatives like Col. Hutchins of Concord, and Mat- 
thew Patten of Bedford. There were nearly 1,500 men 
like Thomas Mellen, who said: "I enlisted ... as soon as 
I heard that Stark would accept the command of the state 
troops." The militia knew that Stark and the State of 
New Hampshire meant business, and they gave a business- 
like response. 

The promptness of enlistment is matched and doubt- 
less aided by Stark's characteristic rapidity of movement. 
On the 1 8th of July, Stark was appointed at Exeter. On 
the 19th, he received from the Chairman of the Committee 
of Safety, the following instructions; 

"State of New Hampshire, Saturday, July 19 th , 1777. 

To Brig* 1 Gen 1 Jn° Stark, — You are hereby required to 
repair to Charlestown, N° 4, so as to be there by the 24 th — 
Thursday next, to meet and confer with persons appointed 
by the Convention of the State of Vermont relative to the 
route of the Troops under your Command, their being 
supplied with provisions, and future operations — and when 


the troops are collected at N° 4, you are to take the Com- 
mand of them and march into the State of Vermont, and 
there act in conjunction with the Troops of that State, or 
any other of the States, or of the United States, or sepa- 
rately, as it shall appear Expedient to you for the protec- 
tion of the People or the annoyance of the Enemy, and 
from time to time as occasion shall require, send Intelli- 
gence to the Gen 1 Assembly or Committee of Safety, of 
your operations, and the manoeuvers of the Enemy. 


While his Brigade was enlisting, Stark was crossing 
the State to the appointed rendezvous at Charlestown on 
the Connecticut River. He probably kept his appoint- 
ment there on the 24th of July; on the 25th he was cer- 
tainly at a point only two or three clays distant by post 
from Manchester, Vermont, and other letters would indi- 
cate that this point was Charlestown. On the 28th he 
"forwarded 250 men to their relief," that is to the Vermont 
militia at Manchester. On the 30th, he wrote from 
Charlestown: "I sent another detachment of [f] this day." 
For his swiftly gathering force, he had to provide ''Kettles 
or utensils to cook our victuals as the Troops has not 
brought any," cannon and their carriages, bullets, and even 
"bullet moulds, as there is but one pair in town." As he 
prepared to cross into Vermont, he thoughtfully asked the 
New Hampshire Committee for "Rum ... as there is 
none of that article in them parts where we are a going." 
By the 2d of August, two weeks after his appointment, "he 
had sent off from No. 4, 700 men to join Colo. Warner at 
Manchester," and intended to "follow them the next day 
( . . . Sunday) with 300 more; and had ordered the 
remainder to follow him as fast as they came into No. 4" 
[Charlestown]. His last recorded acts before leaving the 
state were provisions for the physical and spiritual welfare 
of his troops in letters from Charlestown on the 3d of 
August to his "Chirurgeon," "Doc r Solomon Chase" of 


Cornish, and to the Brigade Chaplain, "Rev. Mr. Hibbard 
at Claremont," a graduate of Dartmouth in the class of 

On the 6th of August, Stark was in the Green Moun- 
tains at Bromley, near Peru, Vermont, sending back word 
to Charlestown "to fix them cannon ... for your defence 
. . . forward, with all convenient speed, all the rum and 
sugar . . . get all the cannon from Walpole." Swiftly as 
Stark and his brigade moved forward, he seems to have 
forgotten nothing necessary for the troops at the front or 
for those left behind to guard the stores. He was a ''good 
provider" as well as a good fighter. The rum he secured 
from his friends; the cannon he captured from the enemy. 

On the 7th of August, he had crossed the Green 
Mountains and joined Warner and General Lincoln at 
Manchester near the western border of Vermont. In 
twenty days Stark had more than fulfilled the first part of 
Langdon's prophecy — he had not only raised a brigade, he 
had also equipped his volunteers, and marched them across 
two states. . Two days later, the 9th of August, he was at 
Bennington, where within a week he was to realize the 
remainder of Langdon's patriotic vision and ''check Bur- 
goyne." It is not surprising that this characteristic swift- 
ness and energy of Stark attracted volunteers and infused 
hope and an entirely new spirit into the troops of all the 

The contrast with Burgoyne's slow progress made 
Stark's rapidity seem the more striking. When Stark was 
appointed at Exeter, Burgoyne was at "Skeensborough 
House," on the present site of Whitehall, New York. By 
the time Stark had crossed New Hampshire and mustered 
his troops on the Connecticut River, Burgoyne had 
marched only twenty-eight miles southward to Fort 
Edward on the Hudson. While Stark was crossing Ver- 
mont, and organizing his brigade at Manchester and Ben- 
nington, Burgoyne and his army were delaying at Fort 
Edward where they remained until the 14th of August. 


It was two weeks before the British army, hampered by 
the untiring efforts of Schuyler and by the difficulties of 
transportation, were able to advance seven miles down the 
Hudson to Fort Miller. 

A clear understanding of the position of the combat- 
ants on the 7th of August is necessary to comprehend the 
later plans and movements. Of the American forces, on 
the 7th of August, Stark was at Manchester, Vermont, 
with Warner and Lincoln; Schuyler, who had been grad- 
ually withdrawing southward before Burgoyne's slow 
advance, had been since the 4th of August at Stillwater on 
the Hudson, "about twenty miles west of Bennington." 
The British forces were situated as follows: Burgoyne was 
at Fort Edward, twenty-five to thirty miles north of 
Schuyler; St. Leger, slowly moving down the Mohawk val- 
ley to join Burgoyne, had been delayed by the siege of 
Fort Stanwix, and on the 7th of August, the day after the 
battle of Oriskany, demanded the surrender of the Fort 
and received a sturdy refusal. Bearing in mind these posi- 
tions of the four commanders on the 7th of August — Stark 
at Manchester, Schuyler at Stillwater, Burgoyne at Fort 
Edward, and St. Leger at Fort Stanwix — we are prepared 
to discuss Schuyler's two different plans of campaign, and 
the strategic value of Stark's independent command. 

Schuyler, until the 4th of August had approved the 
plan of retaining troops at Manchester or Bennington to 
iall upon Burgoyne's rear. On the 15th of July he there- 
fore sent reinforcements to Warner. Two days later, he 
ordered the Massachusetts militia "to march to the relief 
of Colo. Warner and put themselves under his command. 
He is in the vicinity of Bennington." The 19th of July, 
he urged the New Hampshire militia to "hasten your march 
to join" Warner who "has intelligence that a considerable 
body of the enemy will attempt to penetrate to Benning- 
ton." On the 29th of July, Schuyler sent General Benja- 
min Lincoln of Massachusestts "to take command on the 
Grants." In his letter of this date to Warner, Schuyler 


expressed his hopes that "the Body under General Stark 
will be respectable"; and that General Lincoln . . . will 
be able to make a powerful diversion." His letter of the 
16th of July to Warner is worth quoting in full as a clear 
exposition of Schuyler's original plan. 

"Fort Edward, July 16, 1777. 
To Colo Warner 

Sir I am this moment informed by Capt Fitch that the 
New Hampshire Militia are marching to join me. It is 
not my intention, much as I am in want of troops, that 
they should come hither as it would expose the country in 
that quarter to the depredations of the Enemy: I there- 
fore enclose you an order for them to join you if none 
are arrived, you will send express for them. I hope when 
they come you will be able, if not to attack the Enemy, at 
least to advance so near as to bring off the well affected 
and to secure the Malignants. 
I am Sir 

Your most hum: Serv 


Schuyler communicated this plan to Washington on 
the 2 1 st and 22d of July and received the following 
approval of his measures: 

"You intimate the propriety of having a body of men 
stationed somewhere about the Grants. The expediency 
of such a measure appears to me evident; for it would cer- 
tainly make General Burgoyne very circumspect in his 
advances if it did not wholly prevent them. It would keep 
him in continual anxiety for his rear . . . and would serve 
many other valuable purposes." 

Washington continued to urge the retention of troops 
on the Vermont border, even after Schuyler abandoned the 
plan. On the 16th of August, the very day when Stark's 
victory at Bennington demonstrated the wisdom of the 
advice of the Commander-in-Chief, Washington wrote to 
Governor Clinton of New York: 


"From some expressions in a letter, which I have 
seen, written by General Lincoln to General Schuyler, I 
am led to infer, it is in contemplation to unite all the 
militia and continental troops in one body, and make an 
opposition wholly in front. If this is really the intention, 
I should think it a very ineligible plan. An enemy can 
always act with more vigor and effect, when they have 
nothing to apprehend for their flanks and rear, than when 
they have. ... If a respectable body of men were to be 
stationed on the Grants, it would undoubtedly have the 
effects intimated above, would render it not a little difficult 
for General Burgoyne to keep the necessary communica- 
tion open; and they would frequently afford opportunities 
of intercepting his convoys. . . . These reasons make it 
clearly my opinion, that a sufficient body of militia should 
always be reserved in a situation proper to answer these 
purposes. If there should be mo r e collected, than is 
requisite for this use, the surplusage may with propriety 
be added to the main body of the army. I am not, how- 
ever, so fully acquainted with every cicumstance, that 
ought to be taken into consideration, as to pretend to do 
anything more than to advise in the matter. Let those on 
the spot determine and act as appears to them most 

Now it was exactly in accord with this sound and 
repeated advice of Washington, and in pursuance of the 
original plan of Schuyler himself, that Stark and the Ver- 
mont Council of Safety, "those on the spot," proposed to 
act. Schuyler, oh the other hand, abandoned this plan of 
a flank attack, when he found the enemy pressing closer 
upon the main body of his own army. He thereupon 
ordered all the militia on the Vermont frontier to join him 
at Stillwater on the Hudson. Consequently, when Stark 
arrived at Manchester, Vermont, on the 7th of August, he 
found that his own brigade had, without his knowledge, 
been ordered to Stillwater and had begun their preparation 
for the march. 

stark's command at bennington 17 

The first evidence of Schuyler's change of plan is on 
the 3d of August, the day when St. Leger appeared before 
Fort Stanwix or Schuyler. By that time, Schuyler was 
aware in general of this approach of hostile troops from 
the west down the Mohawk valley on his left flank. He 
also keenly realized that Burgoyne was "making every 
exertion to move down" the Hudson to attack the Amer- 
ican center. Schuyler therefore on the 3d of August, 
"the generals having unanimously advised" him, fell back 
from Saratoga to Stillwater and on the next day called in 
the militia stationed in Vermont, on his right flank. On 
this 4th of August he wrote to Lincoln, who was then at 

"In all probability he [Burgoyne] has left nothing at 
Skenesborough, except what is so covered that it is not 
probable that your moving that way without artillery would 
give him any Alarm. I must desire you to march your 
whole Force, except Warner's Regiment and join me with 
all possible Dispatch." 

Five days later, on the 9th of August, Schuyler asked 
the Vermont militia also to join him, as Burgoyne's "whole 
force is pointed this way" and as "there is no great prob- 
ability that force will be sent your way until he shall have 
taken possession of this City" [Albany]. Schuyler writing 
from Albany was not well informed; he did not know that 
on the very day he wrote this, Baum received his instruc- 
tions from Burgoyne and started on his march toward Ben- 
nington. Schuyler did not realize the effect of his own 
wise policy of devastation and obstruction of the country 
through which the British army had to pass. He was 
deceived by Burgoyne's pretence of a movement down the 
Hudson. He failed to put himself in Burgoyne's place 
and see that the British, retarded by the obstacles in their 
front and by the difficulty of getting stores from their 
rear, would naturally attempt by a flank movement to cap- 
ture the horses, cattle, and provisions at Bennington, 
twenty-five miles away. It was "those on the spot," Stark 


and the Vermont Council of Safety, who did realize both 
the likelihood of such an expedition and the possibilities 
of a counter-movement by the American militia stationed 
at Bennington. 

The critical period of the campaign preceding the bat- 
tle of Bennington is the week from the 7th to the 13th of 
August. In this week was decided the question whether 
the militia should all march to Stillwater, according: to 
Schuyler's new plan; or whether they should remain on 
the Vermont border to execute the flank attack originally 
planned by Schuyler and advocated by Washington, Stark, 
and the Vermont Council. Within this week Stark arrived 
at Manchester, assumed command of his brigade and 
marched to Bennington; with the aid of the Vermont 
Committee of Safety, he convinced Schuyler and Lincoln 
that the militia should not march directly to Stillwater, but 
should rather prepare for the attack on the enemy's flank; 
therefore on the 13th of August, Stark was "on the spot" 
and ready to begin this attack when Baum appeared 
eighteen miles from Bennington. This question and its 
settlement are manifestly of supreme importance. Yet 
with all its importance the question of the plans and move- 
ments of all three generals has never been set forth with 
completeness in any one of the many accounts of the bat- 
tle or the campaign. This can now be done in the light of 
documents recently printed or discovered. 

By the 12th of August Schuyler appears reconverted 
to his original plan of attacking the enemy's flank 
and rear. The following explanation of the change is 
given in a sketch of Stark published the year of his death, 
in Farmer and Moore's Collections. This sketch of Stark 
was based on an account by Stark's son-in-law in 
N. H. Patriot, May 15, 18 10, and on particulars given by 
Stark's oldest son Caleb, who had been an adjutant in the 
Northern army, and who after the battle had carried to his 
father a message from General Gates. 


"General Schuyler opened a correspondence with 
Stark, and endeavored to prevail on him to come to the 
Sprouts. The latter gave him a detail of his intended 
operations, viz., to fall upon the rear of Burgoyne, to 
harrass and cut off his supplies. General Schuyler 
approved the plan and offered to furnish him with five or 
six hundred men more to carry it into execution." 

The correspondence substantiates this statement; and 
indicates that Lincoln aided in bringing Stark and Schuyler 
into agreement on the basis of the original plan of a flank 
movement. From the 7th to the 10th of August, Lincoln 
was with Stark at Manchester and Bennington and corre- 
sponding with Schuyler. On the 12th, Lincoln was with 
Schuyler at Stillwater and wrote to Washington: "I am to 
return with the militia from the Massachusetts, New 
Hampshire, and the Grants, to the Northward, with a 
design to fall into the rear of Burgoyne." On the 14th, 
Lincoln wrote Stark from Half Moon, a few miles below 
Stillwater: "Your favor of yesterday's date, per express, I 
received on the road to this place. As the troops were not 
on the march, I am glad you detained them in Bennington. 
Our plan is adopted. I will bring with me camp kettles, 
Axes, ammunition and flints . . . You will please ts meet 
us, as proposed, on the morning of the 18th. If the 
enemy shall have possession of that place, and in your 
opinion it becomes improper for us to rendezvous there, 
you will be so good as to appoint another, and advise me of 
the place. ..." 

Finally, the statements of the Patriot article of 1810, 
and of Farmer and Moore's Sketch of 1822 are fully con- 
firmed by the Trumbull Papers, published in 1902, and by 
an unprinted letter discovered in the present investigation. 
Schuyler transmitted to Lincoln on the 15th of August a 
letter received from Stark and added this endorsement: 
"You will see his determination and regulate yourself 
accordingly." "Gen. Lincoln is moved this day, with 
about 5 or 600 from our little army to fall in and co-oper- 


ate with Starks," wrote Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., from 
Albany, on the 17th of August. 

This plan of attacking Burgoyne's rear and flank from 
Vermont must have been discussed by Stark and Lincoln 
when they were together between the 7th and 10th of 
August. Schuyler's letters show that he reverted to this 
original plan between the 9th and 12th of August. Now 
this is just the time when Lincoln and Stark at Benning- 
ton were corresponding with Schuyler, and when Lincoln 
went in person from Stark to Schuyler. On the 12th of 
August, then, while Schuyler and Lincoln were together at 
Stillwater, Schuyler wrote to Warner a letter marked 

"A movement is intended from here with part of the 
Army to fall in the enemy's rear. You will therefore 
march your regiment and such of the militia and ranging 
Companies as you can speedily collect to the Northern 
part of the Cambridge District in this state where the 
troops from hence will be there to join you, so as to be 
there on the 18th at farthest." 

This gives the details of the plan which, as we have 
seen above, Lincoln communicated to Washington on the 
same day and from the same place. Further details of the 
same plan are given in Schuyler's letter of the following 
day, the 13th of August, to Lincoln: 

"You will please to take command of the Troops that 
are now on the way from Bennington and march them to 
the East Side of Hudson's River to the Northern parts of 
Cambridge, where Col. Warner has orders to join you. 
Should you on your arrival at that place find it practicable, 
by coup de main, to make an Impression on any post the 
Enemy may occupy, you will, if there is a prospect of suc- 
cess, make the attempt." 

To this same plan of a combined flank attack, Lincoln 
evidently referred in his letter of the 14th of August, 
quoted above, in which he wrote Stark: 

( To be continued in the July number.) 

Cfje battle of 2Jenmnston 

By Dr. William 0. Stillman 

The following extracts are taken from an address delivered by Dr. 
Stillman before the New York Historical Association at its annual meet- 
ing in the court house at Lake George, August 16, 1904. The parts 
omitted consist mainly of his plea for a monument in New York state to 
commemorate the battle. — Editor. 

CO-DAY is the anniversary of an heroic battle of 
the American Revolution, which marked the 
turning point in that memorable contest which 
has stood for so much in the annals of the world. For the 
first time the untried and untrained settlers, fighting for 
home and liberty, prevailed decisively against the veteran 
legions of Europe. Hitherto this had been deemed an 
impossibility. It is the conquering of such impossibilities 
which always brings glory. 

As the result of the bloody conflict on the banks of 
the Walloomsac on that "memorable day," the Americans 
captured according to the statement of General Stark, 
their commander, in his report to General Gates, dated 
August 22, 1777, seven hundred prisoners (including the 
wounded) and counted two hundred and seven of enemy 
dead on the field of battle. Stark stated his own losses to 
have been "about forty wounded and thirty killed." 

When we consider that Burgoyne gave one thousand 
and fifty as the total British force engaged in this battle 
under Cols. Baum and Brayman, and that the Americans 
captured or killed over nine hundred men, and seized 
several hundred muskets and all the British cannon, the 
overwhelming character of the victory is apparent. Its 
importance was, however, greater in its moral than in its 
immediate physical effects. 



Lord George Germain, the British Minister in charge 
of the war in the States, characterized Burgoyne's raid 
toward Bennington as ''fatal" to the English and pro- 
nounced it as "the cause of all the subsequent misfortunes." 
General Burgoyne, in his review of the evidence produced at 
at the inquiry before the House of Commons (see A State 
of the Expedition from Canada, as laid before the House 
of Commons, by Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, published 
London, 1780, page 108) indignantly denies the force of 
this charge, saying that in was "a common accident of war, 
independent of any general action, unattended by any loss 
that could affect the main strength of the army, and little 
more than a miscarriage of a foraging party." He scouts 
the idea that it could "have been fatal to a whole cam- 
paign." General Burgoyne seems to have forgotten that 
he had written to Lord George Germain, long before, a 
letter marked "private," from his camp at Saratoga, under 
date of August 20, 1777, in which he said, "In regard to 
the affair of Saintcoick (Walloomsac), . . . Had I succeeded, 
1 should have affected a junction with St. Leger, and been 
now before Albany. . . . Had my instructions been fol- 
lowed . . . success would probably have ensued, mis- 
fortune would certainly have been avoided. I did not 
think it prudent, in the present crisis, to mark these cir- 
cumstances to the public so strongly as I do in confidence 
to your Lordship." There is more to the same effect. 

If this stroke of fortune brought consternation to the 
English it brought hope and happiness to the Colonists. 
"One more such stroke," said Washington when informed 
of the defeat of the royalists, "and we shall have no great 
cause for anxiety as to the future designs of Britain." In 
writing Putnam he expressed the hope that New England 
would rise and crush Burgoyne's entire army. It is a 
curious instance of Washington's almost prophetic instinct 
that he had been longing for just this sort of a misfortune 
to seize the enemy, for on July 22, 1777, he had written to 
General Schuyler: "Could we be so happy as to cut off 


one of his (Burgoyne's) detachments, supposing it should 
not exceed four, five or six hundred men, it would inspirit 
the people and do away much of their present anxiety. In 
such an event they would lose sight of past misfortunes, 
fly to arms and afford every aid in their power." 

The battle on the Walloomsac aroused a patriotic 
furor throughout the states. Jefferson called it "the first 
link in the chain of successes which issued in the surrender 
at Saratoga." 

Within three days General Schuyler wrote Stark: 
"The signal victory you have gained, and the severe loss 
the enemy have received, cannot fail of producing the 
most salutary results." Within a week the bells were 
ringing in Boston and Philadelphia, and the whole people 
devoutly gave thanks for this interposition of Divine pro- 
tection. St. Leger, the British general beleaguering Fort 
Stanwix on the far off Mohawk, also heard of it, and in 
spite of his bloody victory at Oriskany Creek, slunk off to 
the St. Lawrence. His dream of conquest and of the 
occupancy of Albany was ended. The gifted Baroness 
Riedesel, in Burgoyne's camp wrote: "This unfortunate 
event paralyzed at once our operations." 

The effect of this great victory, on the Continental 
soldiers, was marvelous. The brave and daring Vermont 
troops, under Cols. Warner and Herrick, were emboldened 
to attack the royalists at Lake George Landing, with the 
result that the vessels were captured which might have 
afforded Burgoyne's army escape to Canada. Recruits 
began to flock to the Federal army on the upper Hudson. 
The New England troops soon joined them. The British 
depots of supplies of provisions were sought out and 
raided. Gradually the condition of the king's army grew 
more and more desperate. A thousand men lost at 
Walloomsac reduced their forces from 7,000 to 6,000, and 
the 4,000 Continental soldiers facing them was rapidly 
increased under the benign influences of success to nearly 
I7iOOO men (16,942 as given in General Gates' statement 
of October 16, 1777). 


It will thus be seen that the battle on the Walloomsac 
was undoubtedly the turning point of British success in 
America. It gave the prestige and caused the delay of a 
month in Burgoyne's movements, which were necessary 
to make Gates' army strong enough to resist him. It 
made possible the great victory at Saratoga which deter- 
mined the destinies of a continent and is ranked along 
with Marathon and Hastings as one of the fifteen great 
battles of the world. 

The naming of battles goes largely, like the naming 
of babies, by favor and accident. At the Bennington 
anniversary on the year following the contest, the occur- 
rence was referred to by the secretary of the celebration 
as the "battle at Bennington," and it soon passed into his- 
tory as such. Bennington was the nearest large settle- 
ment and the plans for defense centered there. There 
were no large towns near at hand in New York. Had a 
celebration been held near the scene of the strife in this 
state soon after this event, I doubt not it would have been 
christened the Battle of Walloomsac," just as Oriskany 
was named after the adjacent stream and Saratoga after 
the village close to which that fight occurred. It is a 
curious thing that neither Stark nor Burgoyne were accus- 
tomed to refer to the battle as that of Bennington. Stark 
several times characterized it, as I have indicated in the 
title selected for this address, as the "battle at Walloom- 
sac," and Burgoyne more than once has referred to it as the 
"affair at Saint Coicks Mill," or plain "Saint Coicks," 
which was the spot where the first skirmish began and last 
fight ended. 

While New Hampshire furnished the commanding 
general, the sagacious and brave Stark, and more than 
half the troops, Massachusetts and Vermont divided the 
remaining part not so very unequally between them. New 
York furnished the battle field and a very considerable 




sprinkling of men besides. It should be borne in mind 
that every available man from that part of New York 
State was with the main American army before Burgoyne. 
Poor New York at this period was distracted. She was 


o w "S B . 5 

f » rf 





I_.J . 



being ground between the upper and nether millstones at 
Saratoga and New York. King George III, on July 20, 
1764, by royal decree had declared that what is now Ver- 
mont was part of the Province of New York, Before that 
it had been by common consent considered a part of New 


Hampshire. From 1765 to 1777 there had been a most 
bitter legal war, oftentimes threatening serious bloodshed, 
between the people of this section and the authorities in 
New York, who regarded the revolt against the King's 
grant as unwarranted. It was a sadly mixed quarrel with 
varying right and wrong on our part.* 

On January 15, 1777, Vermont declared her independ- 
ence and soon after adopted her present name, having first 
chosen New Connecticut, which was soon abandoned. 
She was therefore in a state of open rebellion against New 
York, and had declared herself a fourteenth State, which 
was not, however, as yet recognized by the other thirteen 
of the United States. 

In spite of this New York treated her with marked 
consideration. Colonel Warner and his regiment of Ver- 
monters, which were a regular part of the Continental 
army, were ordered by General Schuyler, of New York, to 
protect his home territory, in an order previous to July 14, 
1777. On July 15, General Schuyler sent to Colonel 
Warner an order for clothing for his troops in Vermont, of 
which they were very much in need, and also $4,000 for 
their pay, which was all he could spare from his depleted 
treasury. On July 16, General Schuyler in writing Ira 
Allen, Secretary of the Vermont Council of Safety, 
stated that he had ordered Colonel Simmonds (who had 
some 400 or 500 men under him) from Massachusetts to 
his assistance. On the same date General Schuyler 
wrote to Colonel Warner, "I am this moment informed 
by Captain Fitch that the New Hampshire militia 
are marching to join me. It is (not) my intention, 
much as I am in want of troops, that they should come 
hither, as it would expose the country in that quarter to 
the depredations of the enemy. I therefore enclose you 
an order for them to join you." Thus the gallant Stark, 
whose name was even then a thing to conjure with, through 

•See Vermont Grants, Vol. 5 of Granite State Magazine, 


the generosity of New York's wise General, the noble 
Philip Schuyler, came to the rescue of Vermont and saved 
the day at Walloomsac. Local differences were forgotten 
in the desire for the common good. Stark and Warner 
soon after the battle joined the main continental army on 
the Hudson, The services of Col. John Williams and his 
party, from New York State, who offered their services to 
Vermont at the time of the fight should not be forgotten. 

I have ventured to devote some little attention to the 
relation of New York to this famous battle, with an expla- 
nation of conditions which should make clearer the impor- 
tant part she played and the powerful forces which con- 
trolled and limited her action. Her position has been at 
times misunderstood if not misrepresented. 

These were truly times which tried men's souls. The 
territory involved in the war was honeycombed with 
treachery and defection. A straw was liable to turn the 
tide either way at this pivotal moment. If Baum had 
retired on his reserves at the proper time it is doubtful 
whether Stark's forces could have overcome the enemy 
before Burgoyne had given reinforcements in force as 

If Baum's expedition had been delayed two or three 
days, Stark would in all probability have joined Schuyler 
and success would have crowned the British efforts. If 
Baum had pushed rapidly forward two days sooner, he 
would have found the patriots unprepared, have secured his 
provisions, and have completed his raid to Connecticut and 
Albany with success. St. Leger would not have been 
frightened off on the Mohawk, and Burgoyne would have 
forced his victorious march to Albany as anticipated. The 
destinies of a Continent were in the balance, and fortune 
and chance were playing a desperate game. Conditions 
were so bad that when the Vermont Council made its 
appeal to New Hampshire for assistance there was a per- 
ceptible chance of the entire state going over to the 
royalists. The Vermont Council used these significant 



words: "Our good disposition to defend ourselves and 
make a frontier for your State with our own cannot be car- 
ried into execution without your assistance. Should you 
send immediate assistance we can help you, and should you 
neglect till we are put to the necessity of taking protec- 
tion '(from the King's government)' you readily know it is 
in a moment out of our power to assist you." The die 
would have been cast. Vermont would have been obliged 
to have sworn allegiance to the English king or have been 
given over as the spoils of war to plunder. Sections had 
already accepted such protection. 

Such was the condition of things when the battle on 
the Walloomsac was fought. Truly great events turn on 
small hinges. Shall we, the inheritors of the benefactions 
of these auspicious happenings, refuse to erect a monu- 
ment in gratitude and patriotism to mark the spot where 
despotism in this favored land received a fatal blow and 
liberty became for our valiant sires something more than a 
hopeless dream. 

m ? 


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: •■■ 

The Knight of Derryfield 

A Fugitive Paper by Hon. Albert Moore Spear, Great-great- 
grandson of Major John Moor. Contributed by Mrs. Lina 
Moore McKenny. 

The following excellent article, reprinted from "The Journal of 
American History," possesses especial interest to all descendants of the 
first families in our state. — Editor. 

He lay upon his dying bed, 

His eyes were growing dim; 
When with a feeble voice he called 

His weeping son to him. 

"Weep not, my boy," the veteran said, 
"I bow to Heaven's high will; 
But quickly from yon antlers bring 
The sword of Bunker Hill." 

The sword was brought; the soldier's eye 

Lit with a sudden flame, 
And as he grasped the ancient blade, 

He murmnred Warren's name. 

Then said, "My boy, I leave you gold, 

But what is richer still, 
I leave you, mark me, mark me now, 

The sword of Bunker HilL 

"Oh, keep that sword," — his accents broke — 
A smile and he was dead; 
But his withered hand still grasped the blade 
Upon that dying bed. 

The son remains, the sword remains, 

Its glory growing still, 
And twenty millions bless that sire 

And the sword of Bunker Hill. 



, ^Jr J C* IVING as we do, surrounded by a mighty civiliza- 
tion, occupying mountain, valley, hill and plain 
from sea to sea; traversing space with the speed 
of the winds; spanning the oceans with the palaces of the 
deep; sending messages with lightning; living amidst these 
glories of the twentieth century and the splendor of its 
opening days — little do we comprehend the sorrows and 
the woes of the dark days when homes were the clearings 
in the forest; sustenance the caprice of the season; music 
the bay of the roaming beasts; safety the mercy of the 
Indian's knife; hope the return of their patriotic brave. 

It is of one who knew these hardships that I here 
relate — Major John Moor, whose bravery in the American 
Revolution won him promotion, and who as a captain in 
many battles in the French and Indian War blazed the 
path for civilization. The Moor family, of which Major 
John was a member, migrated from Scotland to London- 
derry, in the north of Ireland, about the year 1616. From 
there they came to this country in 1718, and settled in 
New Hampshire. The ''Town Papers of New Hampshire," 
volume 12, page 429, show that on June 21, 1722, John 
Moor and one hundred and seventeen others were granted 
a township which they had incorporated by the name of 
Londonderry, in honor of the county in Ireland from which 
they had emigrated. In religious belief they were Scotch 
Presbyterians. The name was originally spelled Moor, 
the letter e being omitted, but later generations adopted 
the present spelling. 

The first record of the name is of one Samuel Moor, 
who married Deborah Butterfield and settled in Litchfield, 
then called Naticott, New Hampshire. They had six chil- 
dren, the second of whom was John. He was born Novem- 
ber 28, 173 1. He married Margaret (Peggy) Goffe, and 
settled in Manchester, New Hampshire, then called Derry- 
field. The family of Deborah Butterfield, the mother of 
our John Moor, came from a distinguished Norman family 
that arrived in England in the twelfth century, the head of 
the family being Robert de Buterville. 


During the French and Indian War, when Colonel 
Johnson led 6,000 men against the French, New Hamp- 
shire furnished 500, one company being under Captain John 
Moor of Derryfield. On the twenty-sixth of August they 
arrived at Fort Edward, where Colonel Blanchard, with a 
regiment from New Hampshire, was left in charge of the 
fort. After this came the Battle of Lake George, in which 
the New England sharpshooters did valiant service. In the 
French and Indian War he won a reputation for courage 
and energy. After the conquest of Canada, he quietly 
settled down upon his farm at Cohas Brook. 

When the alarm came in 1775, Captain John Moor of 
Derryfield led a company of forty-five men to Lexington, 
Upon arriving there he found that the British had retired 
into Boston. He marched to Cambridge, and on April 
twenty-fourth was commissioned by the Massachusetts 
Committee of Safety a captain in Stark's regiment. 

John Moor's bravery at Bunker Hill makes him a hero 
whose name should be illuminated on the rolls of Amer- 
ican chivalry. It was he who, with a few New Hampshire 
farmers, faced the Welsh Fusileers, the flower of the 
British Army, and the famous regiment that had fought 
with distinction at Minden, gaining the title of the "Prince 
of Wales Regiment." 

It was on the morning of June 17, 1775. The Amer- 
ican Revolutionists were inviting the king's soldiers to a 
test of arms, and, with the spectacular manceuvering of 
the Old World military pageants, the British warrors, vet- 
erans of many gallantly won battle-days, moved toward 
the audacious Yankee farmers with the precision and cool- 
ness of a dress parade, and with the confidence and fear- 
lessness born of conflict with greater and more learned 
enemies, the grenadiers and light infantry marching in 
single file, twelve feet apart, the artillery advancing and 
thundering as it advanced, while five battalions, moving 
more slowly, approached the fence, breastwork, and 
redoubt, forming an oblique line. The best troops of Eng- 


land assailed the New Hampshire line, doubtless expect- 
ing those half-armed provincials in home-spun clothes 
would fly before the nodding plumes and burnished arms 
of the light infantry and before the flashing bayonets and 
tall caps of the grenadiers. 

Behind the fence, upon which they had placed grass to 
conceal themselves, lay, still as death, Captain John Moor 
and his men from Amoskeag, New Hampshire. 

Now and then came a challenging shot from the bril- 
liant British pageant, singing over their heads and cutting 
the boughs of the apple trees behind them. 

Colonel Stark had planted a stake about eighty yards 
from the wall and fence, and had given orders to his men 
not to fire until the advancing line of the enemy should 
reach the stake. 

On came the Welsh Fusileers, haughty and defiant. 
Still there came no response from the Yankee farmers. 

Bang! Bang! Bang! The deadline had been crossed! 
Like a storm of thunder and lightning and lead there 
burst across their vision a mass of death-dealing flame, so 
intense, so continuous, so staggering, that the flower of 
England wavered, recoiled, and fell back repulsed. 

Again and again they rallied to the attack, only to 
again and again back fall blinded, wounded and depleted. 
One by one the brave grenadiers and light infantry fell 
before the Amoskeag farmers. One by one the gallant 
officers staggered to the earth, until broken in heart the 
living broke ranks and fled in dismay before the musketry 
of the hunters from the New Hampshire forests. 

And when the smoke had cleared, ninety-six lifeless 
red-coats lay before the feet of Captain John Moor and 
his daring patriots, and nearly every officer and aid of 
General Howe lay wounded or dead. It is not too much 
to assume that if the rest of the American lines had been 
defended with equal success the entire British force would 
have been driven from the hill or annihilated. 


When the dead were counted, after the battle-day at 
Bunker Hill, Major McClary was among the lifeless, and 
Captain John Moor was called to the rank of major. He 
remained with the army for a few months, when the state 
of his wife's health obliged him to return to his farm. In 
the spring of 1777 Major Moor again enlisted among those 
of Derryfield, and retired from the army in 1778, when he 
removed to Norridgewock, at which place and North Anson, 
Me., he passed the remainder of his life. 

Goffe Moor, son of John Moor, was also at the Battle 
of Bunker Hill, and was a drummer boy in his father's 
company. He was also a member of Captain Thomas Mc- 
Laughlin's company in Stark's regiment, in October, 1775. 

An examination of the New Hampshire records dis- 
closes that Major Moor was a man who stood well among 
his neighbors as a civilian. I find that he filled nearly all 
of the municipal and parish offices in the gift of his people 
before he left New Hampshire. As to his career after he 
came to Maine, I quote from "Allen's History of Norridge- 
wock'': "In 1780, Major John Moor, who had been an 
officer in the army, came to this place in his uniform with 
epaulettes and insignia of rank, and excited considerable 
attention by his dress and address. He had four sons, who 
came with him. Having lost his wife, he married Mrs. 
Eunice Weston (Eunice Farnsworth), the widow of Joseph 
Weston, the first settler in Canaan. He was a man of 
more than ordinary talents, was respected for his intelli- 
gence and activity, and was a useful citizen. A financial 
report of the town affairs, in 1791, was drawn up by him in 
a correct and business-like manner, and remains (1849) in 
the files of the town papers. When the militia in the 
vicinity was reorganized, he was chosen colonel, and was 
esteemed as an officer and gentleman. He was granted a 
large lot, on which North Anson Village is now situated, 
and died there in 1809." 

Major Moor had no children from his second marriage. 
The tenderness of Major Moor is a prominent feature of 
the traditions concerning him. 

Cfje ^tutor's; lEmboto 

Cfte Return of tfte Jflect 

The recent home-coming fleet, and its parade at Hamp- 
ton Roads on Washington's birthday, marks the closing 
scene of one of the most notable achievements in the 
peaceful annals of the navy. The Congregationalism in 
commenting upon the popular enthusiasm awakened by 
this great pageant, says, aptly: 

We are proud of the peaceful and peacemaking voyage and reassured 
by demonstrated efficiency. For the admirals and captains who carried 
their ships without mishap around the globe, for the sailors who did their 
full duty on shipboard and raised the standard of respect for the charac- 
ter of Americans on shore, we have only the warmest congratulations 
aud good wishes. The long voyage has shown discipline and morale of a 
high order aboard our ships. It has given valuable training in fleet 
maneuvers and target practice. It has vindicated our shipbuilders. For- 
eign observers believed it perilous to take such intricate machines so far 
from the repair shops. Yet not a ship was docked in the whole forty-two 
thousand miles, and the fleet's own artificers have taken care of all repairs. 
We do not wonder that the President came to the review in a mood of 
joyous congratulation, or that the nation feels itself honored by the fleet. 
But at this moment of self-congratulation there are sobering thoughts. 
We have warships, but no merchant marine. The ports that welcomed 
the battleships seldom see an American flag. Our fleet was dependent all 
through the voyage on foreign colliers. In war time, a voyage from 
Hampton to Manila would be nearly impossible. Then, too, as President 
Roosevelt told the men of the fleet, the last word of drill and gun prac- 
tice has not yet been spoken. Efficiency must be continually increased. 
Worst of all, there are divided counsels among those who are responsible 
for the navy, and charges that the work of the yards is badly supervised 
and done at an exorbitant cost. The American people want an efficient 
and economical administration as well as effective fighting ships. We are 
not in the least afraid that an effective navy will hasten the coming of war. 
But we do fear that popular enthusiasm may condone official bickering, 
waste and incapacity. 


the editor's window 35 

Cfje Counter's ^oon 

This is a term applied to the luminary following the 
lunations of the harvest moon. As it does in the earlier 
period, the moon rises at the same hour for three or four 
days, owing to the reduced angle made by its orbit with the 
horizon. Coming when the crops have been harvested, and 
there is greater leisure for the sportsman to pursue his 
game, it has been given this name. v r * rvo r*> *-. — 

A o3a865 

Cfte Cagle in amertcam t?i£torp 

Mr. George E. Foster, in his admirable work upon the 
"Story of the Cherokee Bible," relates the following inter- 
esting incidents regarding the first appearance of the 
eagle in the history of our country, which happened over 
half a century before that bird became our national 

It was in one of the mother towns, in 1730, that the Cherokees made 
their first alliance with the English. It was brought about by one Alex- 
ander Cumming, who had traveled extensively among the southern 
Indians. Just how he won over the Indians to his project is misty his- 
tory, but on the day when the Cherokees swore allegiance to Great 
Britain, there was a mighty gathering of Cherokees in one of the mother 
towns, and at last they seated Sir Alexander Cumming on a stump that 
was well covered with fur, and then, with the same number of eagles' 
tails as there are stripes to-day on the American flag, they began to stroke 
Sir Alexander, and their singers sang about him from morning to night, 
when all the warriors of the Cherokees bowed on their knees and declared 
themselves to be dutiful subjects of King George, and called upon all that 
was terrible and that they might become as no people, if they in any way 
violated their promise of obedience. 

Now this marching, and this stroking Sir Alexander Cumming with 
those thirteen eagles' tails, I am convinced, was the first appearance 01 
the American eagle in politics in America, notwithstanding the historians 
*ay that it was not in 1730 but in 1785 that the American eagle became 
our national emblem. 

36 the editor's window 

^cotttsift Cfjrift 

Scotsmen are noted for their thriftiness, and a story 
told by a Lancashire commercial traveler, who was up in 
Aberdeen a few days ago, shows that the men beyond the 
Tweed are still worthily upholding their reputation. The 
traveller in question was asked by a prospective buyer to 
subscribe to the prize fund for the local golf tournament. 
He parted with five shillings, and as he was interested in 
golf he remarked that he would like to be kept informed 
of the progress of the tournament so that he could look 
out for the result. 

"Oh," said the customer as he picked up the five shil- 
lings and placed it securely in his pocket, "ye needna dae 
that. The tournament was held last Saturday." This was 
rather a staggerer for the latest contributor to the prize 
fund, but he retained curiosity enough to inquire who had 
proved the happy winner. The guileless solicitor for sub- 
scriptions was quite undaunted, however. "The winner?" 
he said coyly. "Oh, just meselV 

a Propfjecp 

A day will come when a cannon will be exhibited in 
public museums, just as an instrument of torture is now, 
and people will be amazed that such a thing could ever 
have been. A day will come when those two immense 
groups, the United States of America and the United 
States of Europe, will be seen placed in the presence of 
each other, extending the hand of fellowship across the 
ocean; — exchanging their produce, their commerce, 
their industries, their arts, their genius, — clearing the 
earth, peopling the desert, improving creation under the 
eye of the Creator, and uniting, for the good of all, these 
two irresistible and infinite powers, — the fraternity of men 
and the power of God. — Victor Hugo, at the Peace Con- 
gress at Paris in 1849. 

GEORGK H. BROWN, Mayor of Lowell 

$Sen of tfje Ifour 

Hon. George H. Brown, Mayor of Lowell 
By A Staff Contributor 

URING the last twenty years many striking 
changes have been enacted in different localities 
regarding local government. So far has this been 
carried in some sections that the battle-cry has become, 
"No politics in municipal affairs." In too frequent 
instances grievous wrongs have been perpetrated in the 
name of party, until the great industrial body politic, silent 
and inactive until awakened by some real or fancied oppres- 
sion, rises in its might and crushes the giant octopus of 
greed and graft. In every case of this kind, a leader, 
usually from the rank and file of the force he represents, 
comes to the front with the courage to meet the enemy 
hand to hand and the personal magnetism to rally around 
his standard the disaffected crowd. It is no ordinary man 
who can do this, as it is no ordinary occasion that allures 
him from other pursuits to fight for what he believes a prin- 
ciple. He generally wins, for men of his stamina are born 
to rule. Frequent examples of this kind are cited in the 
West, where more is expected of a man than in the East. 
But New England has her champions of human rights and 
her men who have made their mark, and made it deep, in 
cause of reform. One of the most notable careers of this 
stamp is to be found in Lowell, Mass. Here the silent 
majority began to find reason for unrest. Here, of a cer- 
tainty, was found the man. Rather, the man found and 
improved the opportunity. 

Municipal affairs in the Spindle City were moving 
along with the smoothness that comes from the well-oiled 
machine. The general citizen saw nothing of a disturbing 




nature and he paid his taxes, if they were high and climbed 
yet higher, and went his way thoughtless of the morrow. 
In the midst of this quiet, a man on the police force 
suddenly sounded the alarm by declaring that fraud 
and undue expenditure of money was going on all through 
the city government. He even went another step and 
declared himself the champion of the common people and 
a candidate for the office of chief executive against the men 
who were in control of the government, experienced in 
political work, backed by the press and years of prestige. 
He was an amateur in politics, and to-day, with the signal 
victory that he won against such odds as must have dis- 
couraged a less sanguine man, he denies that he is a poli- 
tician. More than that, he lacked the financial backing 
that is supposed to be all-potent in politics. 

In place he had an issue, and the courage to fight for 
that end, and the ability te carry out his purpose. 

Little wonder, then, that the story of his success con- 
tains many interesting features; that the history of this 
man reads like a romance. 

Mayor Brown was born in Waterville, Me., May 22, 
1877. While he was still a youngster he came to Lowell. 
He received all the schooling he has ever acquired in the 
public schools of Lowell, and even during the time he was 
attending the schools he peddled newspapers on the streets 
of the city. Later he earned his living as a mill operative 
and as a farmer. He became a member of Company M of 
the Ninth Massachusetts Infantry, receiving an honorable 
discharge, by reason of expiration of service, November 
26, 1898. 

He took the police examination, passed it with high 
honors, and was slated for appointment to the police force, 
when, in response to the call of President McKinley, ha 
re-enlisted in the Twenty-Sixth Regiment, United States 
Volunteers, and served for two years as duty sergeant in 
the Philippine campaign. The history of the old Twenty- 
Sixth relates that the regiment saw plenty of fighting dur- 
ing the Philippine War. Sergeant Brown and his men had 


their own interesting experiences at the battle of Belan- 
tang in Jaro, Panay Island. In charge of three squads of 
men, Sergeant Brown was sent, on November 7, 1899, to 
perform important work in the construction of a barricade. 
They acquitted themselves with great credit, in spite of 
the fact that the work was performed under heavy fire. 
This incident showed the stamina of Brown and his com- 
rades, and the results were of great value to the American 
forces at that time. 

Brown returned to Lowell and was appointed to the 
police force in 1901. After serving for a time as patrol- 
man, he was made a liquor inspector, and his two years' 
service in that department gave him a splendid insight into 
the manner in which the liquor laws had been administered 
by the police and license commission. He was later 
returned to duty as a regular patrolman, but secured leave 
of absence November 5, 1908, to make the run for mayor 
of the city. 

The campaign that was fought from beginning to 
finish was in keeping with the unique leader championing 
what he sincerely believed to be the cause of the common 
people. Morning, noon and night the young, fearless 
advocate of good government met his enemies, speaking now 
before the ward room door to a handful of surprised listen- 
ers; then at the mill gate, as the crowd of busy workers 
from the great hives of industry paused to hear his impas- 
sioned words; anon in the big hall, addressing the aroused 
mob that listened, first with curiosity, then with wonder, 
to finally drink in every word with deep satisfaction. 
Those who had at first looked upon the audacious actions of 
the young man from the police force as a joke began soon 
to realize that there was something serious about the case. 
Old politicians, unused to such opposition, became alarmed. 
Every means at their command, and these were many, 
were resorted to that the new rival might be crushed. 

Their efforts proved in vain. Given a man with a 
cause, the courage of his convictions and the confidence of 
his followers, and he rides on a tide that cannot be 


40 * 7 * MEN OF THE HOUR 

stemmed. George H. Brown has these three elements 
and, it is needless to say, he won one of the fiercest con- 
tested and most surprising political fights ever waged in 
the Spindle City. 

At the end of his first year at the head of the munici- 
pal government, a candidate for re-election, it becomes per- 
tinent to ask if he has kept the faith of his followers by 
keeping his promises made in the heat and anxiety of the 
campaign. His supporters unhesitatingly declare in vehe- 
ment terms that he has. His rivals acknowledge that he 
has come nearer to keeping his pledges than any of his 
predecessors have dared to attempt. The last reply is 
sufficient to prove his fidelity. In his great civic fight he 
has shown the same determined purpose and undaunted 
front that he displayed as soldier in the Philippines. 

He first turned his attention to the board oi health, 
believing there had been too much political favoritism in 
this important part of city management. Though of the 
same political faith, he removed those officials and placed 
new men in charge of affairs, to the satisfaction of all but 
those immediately concerned. Then he looked to the 
license commission, whose work was so familiar to him. 
He had already made his charges against that body, and 
now he was ready to prove his statements. In spite of 
the protests of that body, in defiance of along legal con- 
test, he showed that he had the same moral courage after 
election that he had before. Calmly, with unswerving 
determination, he went forward in the path he had marked 
out, and the city has come through the ordeal purer, 
better and stronger for the year's trial. 

Mayor Brown has another quality underneath his 
stern, unswerving manner of dealing with the current 
affairs that has endeared him to the masses and won for 
him many ardent supporters. He has shown an unfailing 
sympathy for those in unfortunate circumstances, an ever- 
ready willingness to help raise up a needy brother or sister. 
He is pre-eminently the friend of the laboring class, as he 
is the staunch upholder of good government. 


No. VII 

From Rogers' Croup of Statuary 



Character Sketches 


"The Country Doctor" 

;^f^A|^g MCNG the old school of professional men r.o one 
*^ y n'\^s^-' stands out wiih clearer outline than the country 
> v -l " ^"tp y V doclor. His austerity was second only to the 
y=£^b=l=li stern dignity of (he Orthodox parson, and his 
iron rule was felt by all who came within his touch And at 
sometime or other, in youth or old age, one and all felt that 
touch. He was at the bedside of the new-born infant; he 
was at the bedside of him who closed his eyes in that long 
sleep which knows no awakening: he was the faithful guardian. 
the keeper of the many secrets of all within the radius of a 
day's hard drive. 

His horse and chaise wereeasily distinguished at a distance. 
for every one knew the color of the first and the style of 
the second. With a serenity that no one in different walks 
of life could ever hope to equal, he sat in his high-backed seat, 
and with one elbow resting on his right knee, occasionally 
jerking the reins by way of remembrance that he was at one 
end, the docile old Dobbin knowing by long experience that 
this meant nothing serious. Like us master the animal never 
seemed in a hurry, but jogged along the country roads at a 
moderate trot. 

In the case depicted by our artist he has selected a charity 
patient for the care of the man of medicine, but his weather- 
beaten countenance displays the same concern, the same 
anxiety it might show were the one treated a person of 
means. He may have accumulated a goodly competence, for 
his day, and most of his calling did so, but in his kindly 
heart there was love and sincerity of purpose which lifted him 

above the commercial line. He had a mission to follow, and 
he did not fail to accomplish his work. 

How well do we remember our family physician, his 
dark-red horse that never seemed to get be\ond a certain jog 
trot, even as its master never broke from that short- pace with 
which he walked. The old silk hat, the broadcloth coat with 
its long skirts, the red handkerchief about his neck, his evenly 
trimmed whiskers, his white teeth that were the most marked 
feature of his genial countenance, his sturdy figure, his deliber- 
ate gait and erect form. 

As he counted the pulse, looked at the coated tongue and 
marked the state of the disease upon the countenance, he told 
some pleasing incident or anecdote in his quaint, quiet way, 
more helpful, perhaps, than his pills that he rolled out between 
his fingers and cut up with his big, old-fashioned jack-knife. 
Then there were the powders and drops, some dark, some 
light, some harmless, some helpful it must have been, all to be 
taken in regular order and at stated intervals. Fortunately our 
memory does not run back to the days when bleeding was 
the frequent remedy for almost every ailment. 

His skill was mainly what he had obtained from his 
practice and native good judgment, and there is no better 
school than the school of experience, so we must acknowledge 
that our country doctor was a physician of many virtues, 
not the least among them being his inherited honesty. No 
doubt there are doctors of to-day who have the skill to have 
saved some that he lost, but people come and people go very 
much as they did in those years. There comes the day and 
the hour when more than mortal skill is required to save us 
from the enveloping shadows of the other life. 

Owner of San Marcial Plantation, Mexico 

The Land of Promise 
By A New Englander 

y^'^HERE is a fascination in the mere utterance of the 
' UN . word "travel," and with it we immediately asso- 
^^^ ciate the wonders and beauties of a land far dis- 
tant. Let that spot be ever so barren of even common- 
place attractions, and the thought that it lies beyond our 
reach causes us to encircle it with a halo of many colors 
and mysteries. In this simple fact we see verified the 
truth of the old saying, "Distance lends enchantment to 
the view." 

Thus those who seek the pleasures of new scenes 
leave our own country to go abroad to satisfy their desires 
for sight seeing, forgetting or ignoring the fact that we 
have equal, and often superior, attractions nearer home. 
How many of them realize that within three days' ride lies 
a land with as foreign an atmosphere as is to be found in 
Europe; a land richer in ruins than Egypt; a land with a 
people more picturesque than any race of the Old World; 
with a soil more bountiful than the Black Lands of Russia; 
mineral resources greater than the output of the mines of 
Golconda; a climate that will compare favorably with that 
of the Paradise of the Pacific? 

This is Mexico. Now you may exclaim at once that 
we are — well, enthusiastic beyond reason, to put your 
thoughts in as mild a form as is possible. That is, you 
may say this if you have not been there. If you have, you 
will understand the truth. 

Tourists in Mexico are apt to look for the ancient and 
antique, reveling in the romance of lost races, the downfall 
of the greatest of American princes, Montezuma, the 



conquest of that Spanish adventurer, Cortes, while they 
descant upon the ruins of a civilization older and more 
advanced it may be than those of the land of the pyramids, 
unmindful of its living attractions, its present offerings. 

There is good reason for this interest, as its historian 
Prescott has truthfully said: "Of all that extensive empire 
which once acknowledged the authority of Spain in the 
New World, no portion for interest and importance can be 
compared to Mexico; and this equally, whether we consider 
the variety of its soil and climate; the inexhaustible stores 
of its mineral wealth; its scenery, grand and picturesque 
beyond example; or the character of its inhabitants." But 
it is not ancient Mexico, with its ruins that surpass the 
primitive civilization of Egypt or Hindustan; its romance 
of conquest and adventure that outvie Norman tradition 
or the chivalry of Italian bards, but its modern phases of 
life and scenery, its variety of climate, its resources and its 
modern people that interest us most. 

As infrequently as it is mentioned, Mexico is to-day in 
reality a progressive country. It has passed its eras of 
conquests and revolutions, and entered that stage of .action 
where union of sentiment and concentration of powers of 
development are to be seen and felt. So, in the midst of 
ruins and romance, there is a living example of a living 
people, hoping, striving, vieing, one with another, in their 

A writer of the country, Mr. F. Hopkinson Smith, 
not frequently given to rapture in his descriptions, declares 
"It is a land of white sunshine, redolent with flowers; a 
land of gay costumes, crumbling churches and old con- 
vents; a land of kindly greetings, of extreme courtesy, of 
open, broad hospitality. To revel in an Italian sun, light- 
ing up a semi-tropical land; to look up to white-capped 
peaks, towering into blue; to catch the sparkle of miniature 
cities, jewelled here and there in oases of olive and orange 
is to realize that Mexico is the most marvelously pictur- 
esque country under the sun." 


It is impossible to describe the climate of Mexico or 
its resources with the description of any single locality. 
It has in reality three distinct grades or kinds, determined 
by the altitude of that particular section or some local 
influence. Those regions, six thousand feet above the 
level of the sea, are known as the cold lands, though this 
term must not be understood to correspond with our New 
England cold. In fact, the mean temperature here does 
not vary much from that of Spain. Below this belt, and 
reaching down to about three thousand feet above sea 
level, are the temperate lands, affording a most delightful 
semi-tropical climate, where vegetation peculiar to this 
clime flourishes in abundance. The third belt, coming 
down to the level of the sea and narrower than either of 
the others, is called the hot land Here a tropical 
growth springs up in dense masses, overtopped with huge 
trees that rise like lofty giants above the labyrinth 
of thickets at their base. 

Passing down through the country of Mexico by rail, 
one comes to that ancient and historic city by the sea, 
Vera Cruz. It was here that grizzled Spanish veteran of 
conquest, Hernando Cortes, landed on April 21, 15 19, and, 
burning his ships behind him, began that march of con- 
quest, which ended only at Mexico, which was then the 
capital of the Aztecs, as it became the seat of government 
of their conqueror and his descendants. With a back- 
ground of mysterious tradition, the history from that 
eventful day to the present prosperous condition of the 
United States of Mexico is one of the most interesting to 
be found in the world. From the mists and clouds of war 
rise some chivalrous figures, including such names as 
Hidalgo, the father of Mexican independence; Jaurez, the 
patriot of reform; Morelos, the parish priest, who did not 
hesitate to resort to arms when the liberty of his country- 
men was at stake; and others, to the present master of 
good government, President Diaz. 

To-day, Vera Cruz is again the port from which march 
the legions of conquest, but the conquerors are the peace- 


ful laborers of the landowners of this region, and the 
conquest that of the tropical crops springing from the 
fertile soil with each rolling season. A leader in this pro- 
gressive movement is Mr. Jacob Knupp of Boston, Mass., 
who has become the owner of the old and exceedingly rich 
plantation known as the San Marcial. This estate of about 
4,333 acres is located on the east bank of the Tezechouan 
River, about 9 miles by wagon road up the river from 
Terez — the Vera Cruz and Pacific Railroad crossing of the 
river about four miles from Isla railway station. This 
tract fronts for a distance of about two miles on a navig- 
able river, and has a fine steamboat landing. They have 
no swamps, no high hills, every acre can be tilled, only a 
few acres of this whole tract has been known to overflow, 
perhaps for a day at a time of extreme high water, best of 
transportation by river transportation, at all seasons of the 
year to the Gulf of Alvardo, and by rail to the markets of 
the world. The soil is a rich vegetable "humus" of inex- 
haustible fertility, as shown by the tropical jungle now 
covering the unimproved parts, while on the improved por- 
tions crops can be seen growing at all seasons. Four crops 
can be produced on the same ground a year. The rich 
valley lands are especially adapted to the growth of all 
tropical products such as vegetables, citrous fruits, pine- 
apples, sugar cane, rubber, cocoanuts, peanuts, bananas, 
broom corn, castor beans, watermelons, oranges, lemons, 
etc., para grass and other fattening grasses, as well as 
corn, and other grains. 

There are 1,250 acres under cultivation and enclosed 
with barbed wire fences, a fair-sized orchard of all tropical 
fjuits; 400 acres is now producing corn, rice, tobacco, 
beans, sugar cane, etc. Over 800 acres are in para grass 
and native grass, grazing lands to pasture 100 head of cattle 
the year around. The above goes to show that anything 
planted and looked after will grow continuously, all good 
money crops, with a ready market for all that is raised at 
good prices. There are fifty tobacco barns for storing and 


curing the crops, about 60 laborers' houses, very comfort- 
able "Hacienda" buildings for manager's residence, stables, 
corrals and other needed buildings. There are enough 
natives on land to furnish all the labor required. Wages 
run from 50 cents to $1.00 (silver Mexican money). 

Sugar cane will yield at least $50 per acre net in the 
field. It can be sold, the same as fruit crops in the North, 
in the orchard. Tobacco will yield 500 pounds per acre, 
25 cents per pound, or $125 per acre, net $75 per acre. 
Rice, 1,250 pounds per acre, retail 8 cents per pound, $100 
per acre, net $50 per acre. Castor beans, 1,250 pounds 
per acre, 5 cents per pound, $62.50 per acre net; and other 
crops bring revenues in like proportion and larger returns 
and four crops a year. The above are the lowest net prices 
and can be depended upon as low figures. No irrigation 
is needed, which makes any of this improved cleared land 
worth as much as land that requires irrigation and is 
valued at $300 to $1,000 per acre, and the land in Mexico 
will produce equally as good crops. Net present revenues 
on plantation, $15,000 per year, and can be doubled by 
proper management. 

For an investment of $250, Mr. Knupp is offering ten 
acres of good, productive land from the unimproved part 
of the San Marcial plantation, where there is ample rain- 
fall, no droughts, no irrigation required, no frosts, a health- 
ful and equable climate, a locality destined to be known in 
the near future as "The Tropical Garden of the World." 
These ten-acre tracts are properly surveyed and numbered 
from 1 to 200, making a total of 2,000 acres. 

Within easy reach of a good market, only a short dis- 
tance from the railroad, with a soil that is not only capable 
of producing four crops a year, but is actually better to be 
kept in constant cultivation than to allow the rank weed 
crop to take possession half of the time, the above state- 
ment is no dream. 

The investment can be bought on the instalment plan, 
by paying $25 down and the balance in monthly payments, 



or all cash, in either event if person or investor desires to 
make a contract for the improving of any io-acre tract for 
a period of 3 years or more, it is agreed that we will take 
charge of same and guarantee 25 per cent net profit on the 
investment pro rata on each acre, put in cultivation and 
crop, or, in other words, agree to pay about 25 per cent 
net on each acre as said acre is productive; party to reserve 
the right at any time after first year's crop to take full 
charge of said land and operate same by any arrangements 
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Room 214 Industrial Trust Building, Providence, R. I. 

B irrontter heroine 

By Rev. Grant Powers 

tlCHARD WALLACE settled in the west part of 
Thetford, Vt. He was at Charlestown, N. H., in 
the summer of 1777, when a report came that the 
British and Tories were to attack Royalton, Charlestown 
and Newbury, in three divisions. Wallace made all speed 
for Thetford. He met, near where the meeting-house now 
stands, men, women and children, some in carts, some on 
sleds and in sleighs (in midsummre), and some on foot, 
hurrying to a place of safety. But his wife was not with 
them. Wallace put spurs to his steed, and soon arrived 
at his hut, where he found her sticking by the stuff. They 
carried their household goods into the woods and covered 
them with bushes, but next day got a team and removed 
them to settlements near the river. Wallace then enlisted 
to go in pursuit of Burgoyne and his army. 

Mrs. Wallace deserves distinct notice in this place. 
At the time of the alarm, Wallace had corn, oats and 
potatoes growing on his newly cleared land. After he had 
gone and the alarm had somewhat subsided, Mrs. Wallace 
travelled out six miles to see the crops. She found the 
oats ripe for harvesting, and many of them lodged. She 
was all alone, and no man could be procured to assist her 
in gathering them, for all tnat could be spared had gone to 
the field of battle. Nothing daunted at this, she took a 
scythe and mowed them, dried them, raked them into 
bunches, bound them, and stacked them in good style. 
She then took an axe, cut poles, fenced them about, and 
then went back to the river. When her corn stalks were 
ripe for cutting, she went out, cut them, bound them, and 
put them on top of her stack of oats. In like manner she 



went out and gathered the corn, and dug the potatoes, and 
secured both. She then went to work at clearing some 
ground that had been felled, and was burned over the year 
before; and when her husband returned from the army, 
she had cleared and sown one acre of wheat; and during 
his absence she had travelled, in going to and from the 
river, seventy-two miles. 


Contrasts in <$eograpl)P 

By Marvin Dana 

EW YORK is usually thought of as being directly 
West from London. It is, however, despite its 
far more rigorous climate, nine hundred miles 
nearer the equator than is the British capital. The bleak 
coast of Labrador is directly west of London. The same 
line passes the southern part of Hudson Bay and Lake 
Winnipeg; on the other side of the continent, it touches 
the southern extremity of Alaska, and continues through 
the center of the Isthmus of Kamchatka, and Siberia and 
Russia, to Hamburg. 

It is astonishing, too, to reflect on the fact that Mon- 
treal, with its winters of extraordinary severity, is three 
hundred and fifty miles nearer the equator than is Lon- 
don. Montreal, indeed, is on the same degree of latitude 
as Venice. 

Another illustration of the unexpected in contrasts is 
found in a comparison of St. Johns, Newfoundland, with 
Paris. Paris has a winter of comparative mildness, while 
St. Johns is a region of bitter cold and fogs, with drifting 
icebergs along its coast. Yet St. Johns is one hundred 
miles nearer the equator. 

park's 3inbepenfcent Command at 

By Herbert C. Foster, with the Collaboration of Thomas W. 



UR plan is adopted . . . meet us as proposed. . . . 
If the enemy shall have possession of that place 
. . . appoint another." 

Finally, the agreement of the three generals on the 
plan is indicated in Schuyler's letter on the day of the 
battle of Bennington, the 16th day of August, to the 
Massachusetts council: 

"Lincoln . . . was at ten this Morning at Half Moon 
. . . and is by my orders, — going to join General Stark 
and try to make a diversion and draw off the Attention of 
the enemy by marching to the Northern parts of Cam- 
bridge, Vt. [New York] . . . Happily I have assurances 
from General Stark that he will not hesitate to do what 
is required." 

Unfortunately Schuyler and Lincoln agreed upon this 
flank attack too late to aid Stark in its execution. On the 
1 6th of August they were still twenty miles away, on the 
banks of the Hudson, Schuyler planning "to make a 
Diversion and draw off the Attention of the enemy," and 
Lincoln just starting with 500 or 600 men — on the very 
day when Stark won the battle of Bennington, before rein- 
forcements from the Continental army on the Hudson 
could reach him." 

On the 9th of August, Stark marched to Bennington 
instead of proceeding directly to Stillwater. On the same 
day Burgoyne played into his hands by detaching Baum on 


58 stark's command at bennington 

the expedition toward Bennington to "try the affection of 
the Country; to disconcert the Councils of the Enemy . . . 
and obtain large supplies of Cattle, Horses & Carriages." 
On the day he received these instructions from Burgoyne, 
Baum marched from Fort Edward southward to 
Fort Miller. Two days later he set out from Fort Miller to 
Saratoga. The 12th, he moved from Saratoga to Batten- 
kill, on the east side of the Hudson, and here halted to 
receive fresh instructions from Burgoyne. On the 13th, 
Baum slowly marched sixteen miles in twelve hours from 
Battenkill to Cambridge, which was on the direct road to 
Bennington and only eighteen miles distant from it. On 
this day, "thirty provincials and fifty savages" of Baum's 
force came into collision with two small bodies of Amer- 
icans and so gave warning of the nearness of the British. 
'Long before sunrise on the 14th," Baum's "little corps 
was under arms" with the "intention to march at once 
upon Bennington"; but he was delayed "at the farm . . . 
of Sankoik" on "the northern branch of the Hosac," 
where the retreating Americans had broken down the 
bridge. He therefore "bivouacked at the farm of Walam- 
scott, about four miles from Sankoick, and three from Ben- 
nington." On the 15th, Baum finding his outposts again 
attacked, sent back for reinforcemeuts, and fortified a posi- 
tion on a height to the left of "the farm of Walamscott." 
A few sentences from the stirring "Account of the Battle 
of Bennington," by Glich, give a clear-cut picture of the 
engagement as viewed by the Germans from their intrench- 

"The morning of the sixteenth rose beautifully serene. 
. . . Colonel Baume . . . some how or other persuaded to 
believe, that the armed bands, of whose approach he was 
warned, were loyalists . . . found himself attacked in front 
and flanked by thrice his number . . . whilst the very 
persons in whom he had trusted, and to whom he had given 
arms, lost no time in turuing them against him. . . . When 
the heads of the columns began to show themselves in rear 


of our right and left . . . the Indians . . . lost all confi- 
dence and fled . . . leaving us more than ever exposed. 
. . . An accident . . . exposed us, almost defenceless, to 
our fate. The solitary tumbril, which contained the whole 
of our spare ammunition, became ignited, and blew up. 
For a few seconds the scene which ensued defies all power 
of language to describe. The bayonet, the butt of the 
rifle, the sabre, the pike, were in full play, and men fell as 
they rarely fall in modern warfare, under the direct blows 
of their enemies. . .. . Col. Baume, shot through the body 
by a rifle ball, fell mortally wounded, and all order and 
discipline being lost, flight or submission was alone 
thought of." 

From the letters of Baum and the picturesque account 
of Glich, we must turn, for the American story, to the 
terse dispatch of Stark to the New Hampshire authorities, 
written two days after the battle: 

"The 13 th I was inform'd that a party of Indians were 
at Cambridge ... I detached Col° Gregg with 200 men 
under his command to stop their march. In the evening I 
had information by express that there was a large body of 
the enemy on their way with their field pieces. . . . The 14 th 
I marched with my Brigade & a few of this States' Militia, 
to oppose them and to cover Gregg's retreat. . . . About 
four miles from the Town [Bennington] I accordingly met 
him on his return, and the Enemy in close pursuit of him, 
within half a mile of his rear. ... I drew up my little 
army on an eminence in open view of their encampments, 
but could not bring them to an engagement. I marched 
back about a mile, and there encamp'd. . . . The 15 th it 
rain'd all day; I sent out parties to harrass them. 

"The 16th I was join'd by this States' Militia and those 
of Berkshire County; I divided my army into three Divis- 
ions, and sent Col. Nichols with 250 men on their rear of 
their left wing; Col°. Hendrick in the Rear of their right, 
w-ith 300 men, order'd when join'd to attack the same. 

"In the mean time I sent 300 men to oppose the Enemy's 
front, to draw their attention that way; Soon after I 


detach'd the Colonels Hubbart & Stickney on their right, 
wing with 200 men to attack that part, all which plans had 
their desired effect. Col° Nichols sent me word that he 
stood in need of a reinforcement, which I readily granted, 
consisting of 100 men, at which time he commenced the 
attack precisely at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, which was 
followed by all the rest. I pushed forward the remainder 
with all speed; our people behaved with the greatest spirit 
& bravery imaginable: Had they been Alexanders or 
Charleses of Sweden, they could not have behaved better. 
The action lasted two hours. ... I rec d intelligence that 
there was a large reinforcement within two miles of us, on 
their march, which occasion'd us to renew our attack. But 
luckily for us Col° Warner's Regiment came up, which put 
a stop to their career. . . . We used their own cannon 
against them. ... At Sunset we obliged them to beat a 
second retreat. . . . 

"I have 1 Lieut. Col° since dead, 1 major, 7 Captains, 
14 Lieut 5 4 Ensigns, 2 Cornets, 1 Judge advocate, 1 Bar- 
ron, 2 Canadian officers, 6 sergeants, 1 Aid-de-camp & 
seven hundred prisoners; — I almost forgot 1 Hessian 

In his tactics on the battle field, Stark showed the 
same qualities he had displayed in the general strategy of 
the campaign — quick insight and decision, followed by 
deliberate and stubborn action. At Bennington, just as at 
Bunker Hill and Trenton, Stark was quick to see the 
importance of flank movements, and cool in carrying them 
out He was "as active in attack as he had then been 
obstinate in defense." Because he had insisted on the 
plan of a flank movement in the campaign preceding the 
battle, Stark had a force on the spot ready to oppose Baum 
and "check Burgoyne." 

The battle of Bennington was won by the militia of 
New Hampshire, Vermont and Massachusetts, under the 
command of Stark. As we have already seen, Lincoln 
was at Half Moon on the Hudson the day of the battle, 

stark's command at bennington 61 

and was not in time, therefore, to return and co-operate 
with Stark and Warner. Stark and his troops would like- 
wise have been unable to return to Bennington, had he 
allowed them on the 7th of August to march to Stillwater 
as they had been ordered to do before he arrived at Man- 
chester and "chose to command himself." That there was 
any respectable force at Bennington capable of offering 
resistance to Baum is due to the resolute good sense of 
Stark and of the Vermont Council of Safety, and to the 
terms of the independent command given Stark by the State 
of New Hampshire. Had Schuyler's orders of the 4th and 
9th of August to Lincoln and the Vermont Council been 
carried out, the militia would have been on the Hudson 
more than twenty miles away, when Baum approached 
Bennington. The facts, then, as told by the participants 
fully substantiate the statement of Josiah Bartlett quoted 
at the beginning of this paper: 

"Had Gen 1 Starks gone to Stillwater agreable to 
orders; there would have been none to oppose Col. Baum 
in carrying Gen 1 Burgoyne's orders into Execution." 

It is evident that Stark's fellow citizens and fellow 
soldiers of New Hampshire and Vermont understood the 
situation and had some substantial reasons for feeling that 
the independent command was justified both by the con- 
ditions which preceded it and by the results which followed. 

The unfavorable judgment of General Lincoln and of 
the Continental Congress remains to be discussed. The 
usual statement is that Stark, on his arrival at Manchester, 
was ordered by Schuyler to march to Stillwatet and refused 
to do so. Two facts which seem to have escaped notice 
show this statement to be a somewhat misleading half- 
truth. In the first place, Schuyler's orders were not to 
Stark; they were transmitted directly by Lincoln to Stark's 
brigade of milita without Stark's knowledge. Second 
Stark eventually acted in harmony with Schuyler; he 
started to march to the appointed rendezvous at Cambridge 
on the 13th when he received word that the enemy were 


already there; and on the 16th of September he did march 
to Stillwater, but he marched via Bennington, and after 
carrying out the flank attack desired by both Schuyler and 

Of the relations betweed Lincoln and Stark at Man- 
chester, Vermont, on the /th of August, we have three 
accounts: one by Lincoln in a letter to Schuyler trans- 
mitted by the latter to Congress; one in a letter by Captain 
Peter Clark of Stark's brigade; and a newspaper account, 
which appeared in Stark's lifetime, "collected from the 
papers and conversations of the General by his son-in-law, 
B. F. Stickney, Esq." Stark's own account, contained in a 
letter written the 7th of August and acknowledged on the 
12th by the New Hampshire Committee of Safety, cannot 
now be found. The nearest approach to Stark's story 
is therefore the version which appears to have been 
given by Stark to his family and published by his son-in- 
law in the Concord Patriot, May 15, 18 10, twelve years 
before the general's death. This is also quoted verbatim in 
the "Biographical Sketch" published in the year of Stark's 
death in "Farmer and Moore's Collections," and stated by 
them to be based on particulars given by Stark's oldest 
son Caleb and his son-in-law, Stickney. This contem- 
porary family account is as follows: 

"He [Stark] found the advantage of his independent 
command immediately upon his arrival at Manchester, for 
the packs of his men were paraded as for a march. He 
enquired for the cause, and was informed Gen. Lincoln had 
been there and had ordered them off to the Sprouts, at the 
mouth of Mohawk river. He sought for, and found Lin- 
coln, and demanded of him his authority for undertaking 
the command of his men. Lincoln said it was by order of 
General Schuyler. Stark desired him to tell Gen. Schuyler 
that he considered himself adequate to the command of 
his own men, and gave him copies of his commission and 


This family version is corroborated by the testimony of 
one of Stark's captains, Peter Clark, of Lyndeboro, New 
Hampshire, who wrote his wife as follows: 

"Manchester [Vt.], August 6, 1777. 

. . . We have made us tents with boards but this 
moment we have had orders to march for Bennington and 
leave them, and from thence we are to march for Albany 
to join the Continental Army, and try to stop Burgoyne in 
his career. . . , 

August 7, 1777. 

A few minutes after I finished my letter there was a 
considerable turn in affairs by reason of Gen. 1 Stark arriv- 
ing in town. The orders we had for marching was given 
by General Lincoln — what passed between Lincoln and 
Stark is not known but by what we can gather together, 
Stark chooses to command himself. I expect we shall 
march for Bennington next Sabbath and where we shall go 
to from there I cannot tell." 

It was entirely natural for Stark to "choose to com- 
mand himself" the brigade which he had raised, and which 
he had been commissioned to command. It was also 
inevitable that the sturdy and quick tempered old Indian 
fighter should have felt affronted, when he found that his 
volunteer militia had been ordered off without his knowl- 
edge, and moreover that the order had been given by one 
of the men who had been made a major-general when 
Stark was passed over, the previous February, by Con- 
gress. Consequently, a strong personal feeling inevitably 
cropped out in the conversation between Lincoln and 
Stark; and this personal element was naturally emphasized 
in the following account sent by Lincoln to Schuyler. 

"Bennington, Aug. st 8.^ 1777. 
Dear General 

Yesterday Gen. 1 Stark from New Hampshire came 
into camp at Manchester — by his Instructions from that 

64 stark's command at bennington 

State It is at his option to Act in Conjunction with the 
Continental Armey or not. He seems to be exceedingly 
soured and thinks he hath been neglected and hath 
not had Justice done him by Congress — he is determined 
not to join the Continental Armey untill the Congress 
give him his Rank therein — his Claim is to command all 
the Officers he Commanded last Year as also all those who 
joined the Armey after him. Whether he will march his 
Troops to Stillwater or not I am quite at a loss to know — 
but It he doth it is a fixed point with him to act there as a 
Seperate Chor and take no orders from any officer in the 
Northern Department saving your Honour for he saith 
they all were Either Commanded by him the last year 
or joined the Armey after him Its very unhappy that 
this matter by him is carried to so great a length espe- 
cially at at (sic) time when Every exertion for our Common 
Safety is so absolutely Necessary I have Good Reason to 
believe if the State of New Hampshire were Informed of 
the Matter they would give New and Very different In- 
structions to Gen. 1 Starkes. The Troops from the Massa- 
chusetts are Collecting here I don't know what Number 
may be Expected. I suppose the Rear will be up tomorrow 
night at farthest I am Dear Sir with Regard and Esteam 
your most Obed. 1 Humble Servt B. Lincoln." 

To Lincoln's letter Schuyler made immediate and 
tactful reply. "You will please to assure General Stark 
that I have acquainted Congress of his situation, and that 
I trust and entreat he will, on the present and alarming 
crisis, waive his right, as the greater the sacrifice he makes 
to his feelings, the greater will be the honor due to him." 
Lincoln forwarded this letter to Stark with the generous 
endorsement: "I can only subjoin my entreaties to his that 
you will not now, when every exertion for the common 
safety is necessary, suffer any consideration to prevent 
your affording him all the succour in your power." 

These three letters of Lincoln and Schuyler consti- 
tute the evidence left by them as to any lack of harmony 


with Stark. There is no reference to it by Schuyler in his 
defence before the court martial; none by Stark after the 
missing letter of the 7th of August; and none by Wash- 
ington in his correspondence. Stark and Schuyler knew 
and valued each other, and Lincoln acted honorably and 

We have already seen that Schuyler was reconverted 
to the plan of a flank attack and planned to send Lincoln 
to aid Stark in carrying it out. Stark also on his part 
shared the readiness to co-operate with Lincoln and Schuy- 
ler in a flank movement toward the Hudson. He began his 
march before the battle of Bennington and completed it after 
winning the victory. On the 8th of August, Stark advanced 
half way to Stillwater, marching some twenty miles south- 
west from Manchester, Vermont, to Bennington. On the 
13th, Stark was preparing to continue his march, appar- 
ently to Cambridge in pursuance of the plan agreed upon 
with Lincoln, when news came of the approach of Baum. 
On the 13th, says Captain Peter Clark, "the whole Brigade 
was paraded to march to Still Water and while under arms 
the General, received intelligence that there was a large 
body of the Enemy coming to destroy the stores at Ben- 
nington, whereupon the Brigade was dismissed." On 
receipt of Stark's letter of the same day, Lincoln replied: 
"As the troops were not on the march, I am glad you 
detained them in Bennington. ... If the enemy have 
possession of that place . . . [i. e. Cambridge] appoint 
another." The credit for this wise delay at Bennington 
Stark generously gave to the Vermont Council of Safety, 
with whom he evidently acted in fullest harmony. Two 
days after the battle, he wrote to the Hartford Courant as 

"I received orders to march to Manchester and act in 
conjunction with Col. Warner. After my arrival at that 
place I received orders from Major General Lincoln pur- 
suant to orders from General Schuyler, to march my whole 
brigade to Stillwater, and join the main army then under 


his command. At the same time requested the whole of 
the militia (by Gen. Schuyler's order) of the State of Ver- 
mont to join him and march to Stillwater as aforesaid. In 
obedience thereto I marched with my brigade to Benning- 
ton on my way to join him, leaving that part of the coun- 
try almost naked to the ravage of the enemy. The Hon- 
orable the Council then sitting at Bennington were much 
against my marching with my Brigade, as it was raised on 
their request, they apprehending great danger of the 
enemy's approaching to that place, which afterwards we 
found truly to be the case. They happily agreed to post- 
pone giving orders to the militia to march." 

Congress was not so well informed of the situation as 
were Schuyler and Lincoln and the Vermont Council. 
The action of Congress was therefore neither particularly 
intelligent nor timely. The letter of the 8th of August 
from Lincoln to Schuyler describing his meeting with 
Stark, already quoted above, was forwarded by Schuyler 
to Congress. Upon that body it made naturally an 
impression that was both unfavorable and false. The 
impression was unfavorable, since the letter so strongly 
emphasized the personal grievances of Stark and his criti- 
cism of Congress. The impression was false, because, 
while not stating definitely the reasons for the actions of 
of New Hampshire, the letter would give the casual or 
prejudiced reader the false idea that New Hampshire gave 
Stark the independent command because he felt he "hath 
not had justice done him by Congress." In justice to 
Lincoln it should be remembered that he wrote under per- 
sonally irritating circumstances a personal letter intended 
for Schuyler and not for Congress. A more careful perusal 
of Lincoln's letter shows that it gives merely Stark's per- 
sonal attitude; it was not intended to give and it did not 
give any indication of the reasons which led New Hamp- 
shire to give Stark his independent command. The cause 
• of New Hampshire's action was not a private grievance, 
but a public necessity. To understand it we must turn 


from the personal grievance described by Lincoln to the 
facts testified to by Josiah Bartlett and now printed for 
the first time. Unfortunately it was upon Lincoln's letter 
that contemporary judgment of New Hampshire's action 
was based, and later writers have started from this false 
basis. The impression which that letter made upon a New 
Hampshire delegate in Congress is shown in the following 
shrewd comments appended by George Frost to a copy of 
Lincoln's letter which he forwarded to the New Hamp- 
shire authorties. 

"The foregoing letter was Sent by Gen. 1 Lincoln to 
Gen. 1 Schoyler and by P. Schoyler to Congress which is 
Very alarming to Congress that Gen. 1 Starkes should take 
Occasion to Resent any Supposed Affrunt by Congress to 
him when his Country lays at Stake, at the same time 
would take notis that we shall loos the benifet of our troops 
being put in the Continentall pay Except the Measures are 
alterd, and woud also observe he don't refuse to put him- 
selfe under Gen. 1 Schoyler who is Recarled from that com- 
mand and Congress has given the Command of the Armey 
to Gen. 1 Gates, w ch I suppose Gel. Starkes knew not of at 
that time, as to the promotion of Officers in the Armey 
the Congress went on a new plan agreaed on in Baltimore 
(at the Raising the as it Called Standing Armey) that 
Every State Should in Some measure have their propor- 
tion of Gen. 1 Officers according to the Troops they Raised 
by which Reason som officers was superseded or as they 
call affronted." 

Under the misleading impression derived from Lin- 
coln's letter to Schuyler, Congress on the 19th of August, 
three days after Stark's indendent instructions had enabled 
him to render effective aid "to the common cause," passed 
the following vote of censure, in complete ignorance of the 
victory at Bennington: 

"Hesolved, That a copy of general Lincoln's letter be 
forthwith transmitted to the council of New-Hampshire, 
and that they be informed, that the instructions which gen- 


eral Stark says he has received from them are destructive 
of military subordination and highly prejudicial to the com- 
mon cause at this crisis; and therefore that they be desired 
to instruct general Stark to conform himself to the same 
rules which other general officers of the militia are subject 
to whenever they are called out at the expence of the 
United States." 

In the debate on this resolution, the New Hampshire 
delegates defended her action, on the basis of reasons con- 
tained in a letter from Josiah Bartlett. "The militia of 
that State had lost all confidence in the General Officers 
who had the command at Tyconderoga . . . they would not 
turn out nor be commanded by such officers; the preserva- 
tion of the lives of the inhabitants on our frontiers . . . 
made such orders at that critical time absolutely necessary; 
we were not about to justify General Stark for making a 
demand of rank in the army at that critical time, but we 
well knew he had a great deal to say for himself on that 
head, and had . . . distinguished himself, while others 
were advanced over his head. . . . We informed Congress 
that we had not the least doubt but the first battle they 
heard of from the North would be fought by Stark and 
the troops commanded by him. . . . Judge of our feelings, 
when the very next day we had a confirmation of what we 
had asserted by an express from General Schuyler giving 
an Account of the victory obtained by General Stark and 
the troops under his command. We believe this circum- 
stance only will make those easy who have been trying to 
raise a dust in Congress." 

The vote of censure by Congress was certainly ill- 
timed; probably it would have never been proposed had 
Congress waited one day longer. On the 4th of October, 
Congress was better informed and passed a vote that was 
more generous and more just. 

"Hesolved, That the thanks of Congress be presented 
to general Stark of the New-Hampshire militia, and the 
officers and troops under his command, for their brave and 


stark's command at bennington 69 

successful attack upon, and signal victory over, the enemy 
in their lines at Bennington; and that brigadier Stark be 
appointed a brigadier general in the army of the United 

The New Hampshire instructions to Stark were doubt- 
less in theory "destructive of military subordination"; but 
''military subordination" had to yield to the more imper- 
ative necessity of a military force capable of "the preser- 
vation of the lives of the inhabitants on our frontiers." 
At that memorable three days' session in July, 1777, the 
members of the New Hampshire General Court and of the 
Committee of Safety were confronted, not with a ques- 
tion of rank, but with the far more vital one of self-preser- 
vation. They knew that a brigade could not be raised in 
face of the universal loss of confidence in the generals of 
the Northern Department, and of the fear that any militia 
would be called to the "southward," away from the threat- 
ened frontier. They had been summoned in extra session 
not in response to calls for continental troops but to 
answer the cry of distress from their Vermont neighbors. 
They knew that men would volunteer promptly to serve 
under Stark and that he was admirably fitted by nature and 
experience to manage such a volunteer militia unhampered 
by restrictions. They therefore left it to his discretion 
whether he should join with continental troops or not. 

The peculiar instructions giving Stark an independent 
command seem admirably adapted to meet the peculiar 
exigencies of the situation. That they were so adapted is 
proven by the results which followed. Stark's independent 
command enabled him, first, to recruit a brigade of 1,492 
officers and men in six days, and to move forward at once, 
knowing his volunteers would follow without hesitation; 
second, to insist on a flank attack, based on sound 
strategy; third, to reconvert Schuyler to this sound 
strategy; fourth, to co-operate with militia from Vermont 
and Massachusetts in retaining at Bennington a force suffi- 
cient to check Baum and win the battle of Bennington; 


and finally to restore confidence and then to march with 
victorious troops to Stillwater and Saratoga. 

Without the independent command, the presence of 
Stark and his brigade at Bennington was an impossibility. 
Without Stark and his brigade, the victory at Bennington 
was impossible. Without Bennington, who can say what 
a difference there might have been at Saratoga? It is 
unnecessary to enlarge upon the importance of the Battle 
of Bennington; it has been recognized from that day to 
this by both American and British contestants and his- 
torians. It is enough to refer to Washington's estimate of 
what he called "the great stroke struck by Gen. Stark near 
Bennington"; and to the judgment of the latest and most 
epigrammatic of the English historians of the Revolution: 
"Bennington . . . proved to be the turning point of the 
Saratoga campaign which was the turning point of the 
war." To one who examines carefully the records of that 
day or the judgments of this, Stark's independent com- 
mand appears a turning point not only in a decisive battle, 
but also in a decisive campaign, and in an epoch-making 
movement. To the sober second thought of his day or 
of ours, Stark's independent command seems warranted by 
its deep-seated causes and justified by its far-reaching 

We have followed the story of Stark's campaign as 
told by participants and contemporaries. It is a tale of 
swift preparation, strategic delay, and intrepid attack. 

Stark "chose to command himself" the army which he 
had raised himself; but he felt he acted in accord with 
Schuyler, as well as in fulfillment of the terms of his inde- 
pendent command. The responsibility for granting that 
command must be shared by the public sentiment which 
demanded it, the General Court which voted it, and the 
general who accepted it. The credit for the sound j udgment 
which led to the wise delay at Bennington must be given 
to Stark and the Vermont Council of Safety. The final 
accord in plans is due to the wise and eventually harmoni- 

stark's command at bennington 71 

ous action of Schuyler of New York, and Lincoln of 
Massachusetts, as well as of Stark of New Hampshire and 
Warner of Vermont. Schuyler and Stark supplemented 
each other admirably both in personal characteristics and in 
manner of conducting a campaign; Lincoln helped to pre- 
vent a rupture between them; the Berkshire militia and 
Parson Allen were just in time for the fighting on which 
they insisted; Warner and the Vermont men and supplies 
and especially the timely reinforcements against Breyman 
were essential to both the campaign and the final engage- 
ment. The final result was so creditable that there was 
credit enough for all concerned. The plans and prepar- 
ations of Schuyler and the Vermont Council were essen- 
tial to Stark's opportunity; Stark's power to take advantage 
of that opportunity was due to his independent command. 

Stark's independent command was in historic harmony 
with the unfortunate but inevitable conditions which he 
had to meet; with the task he had to perform; and with 
the characteristics of the man and his contemporaries. 
Personal independence and self-assertiveness were the dis- 
tinguishing characteristics of the frontiersman and Indian 
fighter, and of his troops whom he so aptly described as 
"undisciplined freemen . . . men that had not learned the 
art of submission, nor had they been trained to the art of 
war." These were also the distinctive characteristics of 
the frontier life of colonial New Hampshire and Vermont, 
and of the period of the Revolution. The conditions 
which necessitated the independent command are much to 
be regretted; but so also are the conditions which necessi- 
tated the Revolution. 

The Bennington campaign brings out sharply the 
strength and weakness of the Revolutionary era, when the 
newly born American nation was passionately devoted to 
the idea of liberty, but had not yet learned to understand 
and love the idea of union. It was in the next generation 
that a son of one of Stark's captains knit the two ideas 


together and kindled men's imaginations with the concep- 
tion of ''liberty and union." 

In its illustration of the temper of the Revolution lies 
perhaps the chief value of this story, told by the men of 
that day, of their month of swift and triumphant compaign, 
from the 18th of July at Exeter when Speaker John Lang- 
don gave his pledge and prophecy, to the 16th of August 
when General John Stark fulfilled the prophecy and 
"checked Burgpvne." 

CtouManb i?ace$ 

By Emory Charles Bean 

I sit at my western window 
As the sun sinks down to rest, 

And I see in the clouds the faces 
Of those that I love best. 

And those faces they all seem 

Like the faces in a dream. 

And so I sit and ponder, 

And watch them come and go; 

Some are young and handsome, 
And some are white as snow. 

And those faces they all seem 

Like the faces in a dream 

Now what think you of those faces, 
As they pass in the western sky? 

Do you believe that we'll meet them 
In the happy bye and bye? 

Oh, yes; I think that we'll meet them 
And pass in grand review 

Before our friends on earth 
As they are wont to do. 

Manchester, N. H., December 25, 1907. 


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General 3iosepf) CtUep 


By John Scales, A. B., A. M. 

/^^HE duel was fought on the 24th of February. 
'U^ Hon. John Fairfield, congressman from York 
^^ county, Me., at once introduced a resolution in 
the house, calling for the appointment of a committee to 
investigate the affair and report whether there had been 
any breach of the privileges of the house. That committee 
reported on the 21st of April, 1838, that "It is a breach of 
the highest privilege of the house, and of the most sacred 
rights of the people, in the person of their representative, 
to demand, in a hostile manner, an explanation of words 
spoken in debate." The report was accompanied by reso- 
lutions for the expulsion of Graves, Wise and Jones. A 
long debate followed, in which the sentiments expressed in 
favor of duelling seem most ridiculous now. Finally they 
were saved from expulsion by a vote of 102 to 76, but this 
did not end the excitement and indignation outside of the 
house, and James Watson Webb, the New York editor, 
was denounced as equally guilty with Graves. The following 
session of congress enacted the law, which now stands, 
forever forbidding duelling by congresssmen for words 
spoken in debate. Party feeling then ran high, but party 
lines were abolished in the manifestation of indignation. 
It was denounced as "a dastardly murder," "a cold blooded 
assasination." Mr. Cilley himself believed that the chal- 
lenge was the fruit of a desire to take his life. Mr. Cilley 
said to his friends on the morning of the encounter: 

"I am driven to this meeting by a positive compulsion. 
I have done all that an honorable man could to avert it. 
Why should I acknowledge that man (Webb) to be a gen- 



tleman and a man of honor? In truth and conscience I 
could not do so; and still less can I have it so unreason- 
ably extorted from me by force and threat. I have no ill 
will or disrespect towards Mr. Graves. He knows it, and 
I have repeatedly expressed it. I abhor the idea of taking 
his life, and I will do nothing not forced upon me in self- 
defense. The pretext of the challenge is absurd. I under- 
stand the conspiracy to destroy me as a public man. But 
New England must not be trampled upon; my name must 
not be disgraced; and I go to this field sustained by as 
high a motive of patriotism as ever led my grandfather or 
my brother to battle; as an unhappy duty, not to be shrunk 
from, to my honor, my principles and my country." 

Mr. Cilley's college classmate and lifelong friend, 
Nathaniel Hawthorne, said of this duel, soon after it 
occurred: "A challenge was never given on a more shadowy 
pretext; a duel was never pressed to a fatal close in the 
face of such open kindness as was expressed by Mr. 
Cilley; and the conclusion is inevitable that Mr. Graves 
and his principal second, Mr. Wise, have gone further than 
their own dreadful code will warrant them, and overstepped 
the imaginary distinction, which, on their own principles, 
separates manslaughter from murder." 

Mr. Hawthorne further said: "As a young man he was 
of a quick and powerful intellect, endowed with sagacity 
and tact, yet frank and free in his mode of action; ambi- 
tious of good influence, earnest, active and persevering, 
with an elasticity and cheerful strength of mind, which 
made difficulties easy and the struggles with them a 
pleasure. He was the kindliest and gentlest of human 
beings, with a constant and happy flow of animal spirits, 
and the innocence of a child; while at the same time as 
independent, courageous and firm in his purpose as he was 
clear in his judgment and upright in his every thought." 


In this connection it seems proper to give a brief men- 
tion of Congressman Cilley's son, Gen. Jonathan Prince 


Cilley of Thomaston, Ale., who was two years old when his 
father was killed in the duel. General Cilley graduated at 
Bovvdoin College in 1858; studied law with A. P. Gould of 
Thomaston, Me., and after admission to the bar practised 
his profession in that city. At the beginning of the Civil 
War he enlisted 150 men for a light field battery; but that 
arm of the service not being required, he enlisted in the 
First Maine Cavalry and was commissioned captain. 
During the retreat of General Banks from the Shenandoah 
Valley, he was wounded and made prisoner at Middletown, 
May 24, 1862. Subsequently he was promoted to be major 
and was assigned to duty as judge advocate and examining 
officer at the central guard house in Washington. D. C. 
In 1863 he rejoined his regiment, although his severe 
wound had not completely healed; in 1864 he was promoted 
to lieutenant-colonel and placed in command of a regiment, 
which position he held till the close of the war; when he 
was mustered out, in 1865, he was brevetted brigadier-gen- 
eral, for distinguished services at Five Forks, Farmville and 
Appomattox court house. His regiment was the banner 
regiment of Maine, and bears the names of three more 
battles upon its standard than any other regiment in the 
Army of the Potomac, and on the standard General Cilley 
is designated as "the first man who enlisted, the first man 
wounded, and nearly the last man mustered out." It is 
officially stated that his regiment had ten more men and 
one more officer than any other cavalry regiment in the 
United States' service. 

After the war, General Cilley resumed his law practice 
in Rockland, Me., and has been much honored by his state. 
He has been a member of the legislature, deputy collector 
of customs, adjutant-general of the state, commissioner of 
the United States circuit court. He is an active member 
of the Maine Historical Society, corresponding member of 
the New Hampshire Historical Society, member of the 
New Hampshire Society of Cincinnati and of the Loyal 
Legion Commandery of Maine. General Cilley has no 



children, having lost his only son, a very brilliant and 
excellent young man, a few years ago. 


The fifth son and sixth child was Daniel, born March 
12, 1769; married November 7, 1790, Hannah Plumer; he 
died December 4, 1842. His wife was a sister of Gov. 
William Plumer and daughter of Samuel and Mary Dole 
Plumer. She died February 19, 1850. Mr. Cilley was a 
farmer and resided in Epsom, where he was one of the 
most worthy and highly respected citizens. They had 
seven sons and one daughter. One of the sons was Rev. 
Daniel Plumer Cilley, who was one of the leading clergy- 
men of the Freewill Baptist denomination. He was born 
May 31, 1806, and died in Farmington, November 14, 1888. 
He was chaplain of the Eighth New Hampshire Regi- 
ment of Volunteers during the Civil War, and had a brave 
record as a fighting chaplain, as well as in praying. Mrs. 
Adelaide Cilley Waldron, author and editor, wife of Judge 
John Waldron of Farmington, is his daughter. 

A very large concourse of people attended his funeral: 
At the service, one of his fellow-ministers, the oldest 
among the number, who knew him in early years, arose and 
said: "I knew this king among men all his life. How 
powerfully he could preach; how fervently he prayed, and 
oh, how sweetly he sang." 

He had a remarkably vibrant, strong and resonant, 
but sweet, high voice. I have seen few men so noticeable 
in personal port and fineness of feature. He was very 
dainty in his habits, clean of life and tongue, high-minded 
— and with all the fighting impulse of the soldierly clan of 
the Cilleys, on occasion. 

The sixth son and eighth child of General Cilley was 
Jacob, born July 19, 1773; married, January 8, 1801, Har- 
riet, daughter of General Enoch Poor. He died January 
22, 183 1. His wife was born January 31, 1780; died June 
7, 1838, He resided in Nottingham and was known as 


Major Cilley, having held that office in the state militia. 
He was also a justice of the peace many years and repre- 
sentative from Nottingham in the legislature for 1802, 
1803, 1S06, 1807, 1S08, 1 8 10, 1 8 12 and 18 13. One of his 
grandsons was Prof. Bradbury Longfellow Cilley, who was 
for forty years professor of Greek in Phillips Exeter Acad- 
emy. Another grandson is Gen. Harry B. Cilley of Man- 
chester, whose father was Jacob Green Cilley and whose 
mother (Martha Cilley Bouton) is granddaughter of 
Horatio Gates Cilley, and great-granddaughter of Gen. 
Joseph Cilley. 

Horatio Gates Cilley, the seventh son andyoungest child 
of Gen. Joseph Cilley, was born December23, 1777; married 
November 17, 1802, Sally Jenness; she was born in Deer- 
field, August 4, 1782; he died November 26, 1837; she died 
November n, i860. He was a farmer and resided in 
Deerfield. He was an extensive land owner, a man of 
great energy of character, a safe counsellor, a good advo- 
cate, generous and humane. His only son, Horatio Gates 
Cilley, graduated from Dartmouth College in 1S27, and 
was a prominent lawyer of Lewiston, Me. A grandson,. 
Horatio Gates Cilley, graduated from Dartmouth in 1863 


Gen. Joseph Cilley was a representative from Notting- 
ham in the Provincial Congress of New Hampshire, which 
was held at Exeter in June, 1775. His most conspicuous 
service in that Congress was his appointment as one of 
a committee to go to Portsmouth for the money belonging 
to the Province, then in the hands of the treasurer, George 
Jeffreys, Esq. The treasurer was unwilling to give it to 
the committee, but finally complied with the request. The 
money was taken to Exeter and deposited in a safe in the 
old Gilman house, which house is now owned by the New 
Hampshire Society of the Cincinnati. General Cilley was 
one of the original members of this society, and his great- 
grandson, Gen. Jonathan Prince Cilley, of Maine, is the 


present lineal representative. Six months before that, 
December 15, 1774, General Cilley was one of the party 
with Gen. John Sullivan of Durham, who took the cannon 
and other implements of war from Fort William and Mary, 
now Fort Constitution, and carried them up the river to 
Durham, with the powder, one hundred barrels or more, 
which had been captured and taken from the fort on the 
afternoon of the day before, December 14, by a party of 
Portsmouth men, led by Capt. John Langdon. This was 
done on the suggestion of Paul Revere, who came to that 
town from Boston with the information that no more 
powder was to be imported, and that the British would 
probably remove any found from the fort if the people of 
Portsmouth did not make the first move and take it. From 
Durham the powder and cannon were distributed inland, 
in various towns, for safe keeping. The Pascataqua River 
was free of ice up to its head, the entrance to Little Bay 
at Fox Point, and the mouth of the Oyster River. 

The river and bay were frozen over, and it took a 
crew of men two days to break the ice and get the powder 
and cannon up to the head of tide water, a distance of two 
miles, to the old meeting-house, near General Sullivan's 
house. General Cilley and General Sullivan worked with 
the big crew of men until the powder was stored tempora- 
rily under the meeting-house. That transaction was the 
first act of war in the Revolution; the conflict at Lexing- 
ton and Concord was four months later. It was very 
fortunate that the powder and cannon were removed 
from the fort on December 14 and 15, for a day or two 
afterwards the British frigate "Scarboro" and the sloop 
"Canseau" arrived at Portsmouth with several companies 
of soldiers, who took possession of the fort and of the 
heavy cannon which Sullivan and his men had not been 
able to remove. Paul Revere's ride to Portsmouth on 
December 13, 1774, was no less important, though not 
quite so exciting and picturesque, as his ride from Charles- 
town to Lexington and Concord, four months later. On 


the afternoon of December 14, Capt. John Langdon and 
his men had taken out of the fort one hundred barrels of 
powder, and he sent word to Sullivan at Durham to come 
down and take it up to that town, hence Sullivan and Cil- 
leyand Bartlett and a big crew of men went to Portsmouth 
and took charge of it. Sullivan thinking it better to go to 
the fort and finish the job which the Portsmouth men had 
so successfully begun. 

"I went down (December 15) with a large number of 
men and in the night (December 15-16) went in person 
with gundalos, took possession of the fort, brought away 
the remainder of the powder, the small arms, bayonets, 
and cartouch boxes, together with the cannon and ordi- 
nance stores; I was out all night (very cold) and returned 
to Portsmouth next day. The gundalos, with the stores, 
were brought to Durham, after several days spent in cut- 
ting ice, the Durham river being then frozen over; the 
cannon; etc., was then deposited in places of security." 

Those "places of security" were in the towns around 
Durham; one place was on Nottingham Square, where 
General Cilley lived; another place was in Madbury, where 
Major John Demerritt built a storage cellar under his 
barn and concealed several barrels; some of that powder 
he carried to Medford in January and February and it was 
used by Stark and Reed's regiments at the battle of Bun- 
ker Hill, as Major Demeritt himself has stated. Later 
some of it was used in the siege of Boston. 

After the battle of Bunker Hill, General Cilley did 
not participate in civil affairs to any extent; he had a 
natural taste for military affairs and his time was taken up 
in the performance of duties assigned him in that line of 
work by the Colonial authorities. Soon after the battles 
of Lexington and Concord the Massachusetts Committee 
of Safety organized the New Hampshire troops into two 
regiments, appointing John Stark colonel of the First, 
and James Reid, colonel of the second; soon after that the 
Congress of New Hampshire gave its formal approval of 


the action of the Massachusetts Committee in appointing 
Stark and Reid, and also organized a Third Regiment, 
appointing Enoch Poor, colonel, and Joseph Cilley, major, 
and assigned this regiment to coast guard duty, from Kit- 
tery to Salisbury, Mass., thus commenced the work of putting 
Portsmouth in order of defense against expected attacks 
from the British fleet. They were engaged in this work until 
the battle of Bunker Hill; after that battle Colonel Poor's 
regiment was ordered to Cambridge to engage in the Siege 
of Boston, and a new regiment under command of Col- 
Joshua Wingate was placed in charge of Portsmouth, and 
the New Hampshire coast in general. This work became 
very active after the burning of Falmouth (Portland) in 
October, 1775, when it was daily expected that the British 
fleet would attack the New Hampshire seaport, and burn 
it. As a matter of fact, it was the most exciting period of 
the war, as far as New Hampshire was concerned, though 
it was never in danger of invasion after December, 1775. 
At Winter Hill, August 5, 1775, General Sullivan 
wrote to the Committee of Safety that the army then was 
short of powder, to the great amazement of General Wash- 
ington, when it was found that they had not a half pound 
to a man, exclusive of what they had in their powder horns. 
General Sullivan appointed Major Cilley as a special mes- 
senger to carry his letter to Exeter. Arriving there August 
6, on August 7 the Committe of Safety gave him the fol- 
lowing order: 

In Committee of Safety August 7, 1775 
To Major Joseph Cilley: 

You are desired as soon as possible to apply to the Selectmen cf the 
Several Towns in this Colony with whom was lodged the powder taken 
last winter from Fort William and Mary; take an account of what is in 
their custody respectively and request of them forth with to convey the 
whole of it to Col. Nicholas Gilman at Exeter. 

By Order of the Committee, 
Indorsed "To Major Cilley" 
August 7th 1775 

(To be continued) 

Old Theme Poems 

m_j f.. 

TTe Old Leather Latch-String 1 

The Old Leather Latch-String 


The following poem, so suggestive of "The Old Oaken Bucket" 
in its trend of expression, calls to mind a scene of bygone days 
that has vanished save in memory. As in the poem, the lean-to 
kitchen and e'en the cabin itself has fallen and faded away from 
all the homesteads of New England. So also has departed very 
much of the old-time hospitality and the good cheer of the ancestral 
rooftree. In the days of the latch-string the incomer did not even 
stop to knock, knowing that he was always welcome. And this 
confidence was seldom, if ever, misplaced. To-day this spirit 
only lingers like a guest who is late to the feast of good things. In 
place of the knock we hear the ting-a-ling of the electric bell, and 
in place of the latch-string, we resort to the speaking tube. Truly 
customs have changed, and people, too. — Editor. 




JOW DEAR to my heart is the home of my 

A lonely log cabin, half -hidden from view; 
Where I grew, like a weed, springing up in 
the wild-wood, 
And loved the rude home which had sprung up there, 
•The old lean-to kitchen, the smoke-house beside it; 

The straw stack, with shelter of thatch covered o'er; 
The ash-hopper near, where the wood-shed could 
hide it; 
And e'en the rude latch-string which hung on the 

The old-fashioned latch-string, 
The brown, faded latch-string; 

The long leather latch-string, 
That hung on the door. 

That latch-string, how often, when hungry and jaded, 

I grasped it quite carefully, lest it should catch; 
For I knew it was tender, as well as much faded, 

So I pulled it down gently to lift up the latch. 
The noon meal, when ready, how quickly I seized it — 

A bowlful of mush, with sweet milk brimming o'er; 
Not a full blushing goblet could tempt me to leave it, 

When I pulled the old latch-string to open the door. 

The old-fashioned latch-string, 
The brown, faded latch-string; 

The long leather latch-string, 
That hung on the door. 

The shot-pouch I carried, methinks I still see it; 
And the same striped squirrel that pestered my soul; 

When I shouldered my flint-lock and hastened to tree it- 
Alas ! it fled from me and hid in a hole. 

The weedy old cow-yard, still fondly I view it, 
And the path with the tall horse-nettles thickly 
grown o'er; 

How I scratched my bare feet every time I ran 
through it, 
To reach the old latch-string that hung on the door. 

The old-fashioned latch-string, 
The brown, faded latch-string; 
The long leather latch-string, 
That hung on the door. 

And when far away I had strayed from that dwelling, 
Returning, I hailed it with many a shout; 

For I knew at a glance — 'twa3 a signal unfailing — 
The folks were at home when the latch-string was out! 

But they long since have faded, those dreams that I 
When barefoot I romped on the old puncheon floor; 

And the clap-board roofed cabin itself, too, has vanished, 
As well as the latch-string which hung on the door. 

IThe old-fashioned latch-string, 

The brown, faded latch-string; 
The long leather latch-string, 
That hung on the door. 

The spring branch still runs at the foot of the meadow, 

Where we cut the tall clover and pastured our flocks; 
But that summer time flung over my young life a shadow, 

For I hated to cradle and pile up the shocks. 
But now, when removed from that loved situation, 

The tear3 of regret will intrusively pour; 
When fancy reverts to that loved habitation, 

And sighs for the latch-string that hung on the door. 

The old-fashioned latch-string, 
The brown, faded latch-string; 

The long leather latch-string, 
That hung on the door. 



& '~A, 


J^eto IfampsJnre Ctatlroahs 

By Gray Fairlee 

"The old turnpike is a pike no more 

Wide open stands the gate, 
We've built us a road for our horses to stride, 
And we ride at a flying rate." 

^WHE half century following the close of the war for 
'Uf , merican Independence may be called the stage- 
^*^ coach era, and the ever popular and prominent 
question before the people was the building of new roads 
and the improvement of the facility for travel and moving 
of merchandise. The waterways, the aboriginal courses of 
travel, naturally became the maritime ways of transporta- 
tion, but these served their purpose only in certain sec- 
tions. Their lines of transit were too arbitrary to meet 
the needs of the public at large. 

In the closing years of the 18th century four great state 
roads known as "turnpikes" were chartered and built at 
considerable expense. These were satisfactory as far as 
had been expected of them, but with all the outlay and 
endeavor the journey to Boston, or any of the sea-port 
towns then the magnet of business, was a tedious and 
expensive undertaking. 

In the midst of these earnest efforts toward bene- 
fiting the inhabitants of the Granite State, a strange 
whistle awoke the silence of the Merrimack valley and 
proclaimed the coming of a new power which was to rele- 
gate the jaded stage horse to the more peaceful pursuits 
of life. The newcomer was the iron horse. 

The first charter for a railway granted by the state 
was that of the Boston & Ontario Railroad Company, Jan- 
uary i, 1833, for a road starting from a point at or near the 
line north of Dunstable and to run northerly and westerly 



to the valley of the Connecticut. The Nashua and Lowell 
Railroad Corporation obtained a charter June 23, 1835, 
running from the state line in the Merrimack valley north- 
wardly to Nashua. The same session of the legislature 
granted the Concord Railroad Corporation the right of 
way for a railroad from Nashua, or any other southern 
point, to connect the previous road with Concord, N. H. 
Two other charters were granted on the same day, one to 
the Keene Railroad Company to connect that town with 
Rindge or Fitzwilliam in the direction of Worcester, Mass. 
The third charter was for the Boston & Maine to cross the 
state from the state line at Haverhill, Mass., to the Maine 
border at South Berwick. Other grants followed these 
rapidly, so it was not many years before the state was 
crossed and cris-crossed with twin bands of iron. 

There are now being operated in the state 1,190 miles 
of railroad, all but 152 miles of which are under the man- 
agement of the Boston & Maine system. 

The importance of the railroads in New Hampshire 
cannot be fully estimated in considering the many forms 
of developments that have fallen to its material progress. 
Their influence has been felt in every section. Whither 
they have found their way population has gravitated. 
Towns and villages that were few in the number of their 
inhabitants and meagre in their usefulness have become 
centers of industries. While wealth, like the currents of 
our rivers, is attracted to the waterfalls, the source of 
power, it was left for the railroads to foster the hum of 
spindles, the rumble of looms, the tap of hammers, each 
and all symbols of public prosperity. Where the iron 
steed has not penetrated silence has fallen on the scene 
and natural resources are left to waste. And not only do 
our manufacturing and business interests depend on the 
railroad for their welfare, but the portable mill of the most 
remote lumberman, the summer home in the mountains, 
the many industries of the state, all are affected by the 
railroads. Nor are the advantages limited to the industrial 


world, for the moral and intellectual prosperity of a people 
is governed largely by the methods employed to reach the 
inhabitants, and from them come the modifications and 
beauties of social life. So, with the changes that a little 
over fifty years have wrought we cannot fail to appreciate 
the prophecy of the poet when he exclaimed: 

"The sunset of life gave him mystical lore, 
And coming events cast their shadows before." 

In some respects the conduct of the railroad manage- 
ment is the most rigid of any corporation in existence. 
No other is required to make such frequent and exact 
returns, and neither is there equal rigid censorship over 
any other body. The annual reports of the railroad com- 
missioners cover the history of the subject for the year. 
It contains in carefully prepared statements the expenses 
and receipts, the improvements and changes made, the 
volume of business and the sources from whence it came, 
the assets and liabilities, together with any other informa- 
tion a credulous or curious person might desire to know. 
The law governing the present board of commissioners 
was enacted at the session of the legislature in 1883 and 
was framed in the interest and prosperity of the state as 
far as effected by the railroads. 

The first railroad commissioner in the state was Hon. 
Charles J. Fox of Nashua, appointed by the governor in 
1838. He served in that capacity for five years, until he 
was stricken with that illness which resulted in his death. 
Commissioners continued to be appointed by the governor 
and council to 1854, three each year after 1843. Beginning 
with 1855 one commissioner was elected each year by the 
people for a term of three years, until 1878, when they 
were again appointed by the state executive for a term of 
two years. In 1883 the term of office was extended to 
three years, one member being appointed each year. 

During the seventy-two years the commission has 
existed it has been represented by sixty men. These have 


been among the ablest in the state and very little criticism 
has been made against the work performed by the various 
boards. At the present time the members of the board 
are all lawyers of acknowledged ability and honesty of 
purpose. It would indeed be difficult to select three men 
better fitted for the duties of this important service. It 
has been the practice to have the minority party repre- 
sented by one member, and this rule maintains now. 

The oldest in point of service and the present chair- 
man is 


Arthur Gilman Whittemore was born in Pembroke, 
July 26, 1856, the son of Hon. Aaron and Ariannah 
(Barstow) Whittemore. He was a great great grandson of 
Rev. Aaron Whittemore, the first settled minister of the 
Congregational church in Pembroke, who was ordained 
March 1, 1737. His great grandfather, Aaron Whitte- 
more, was a soldier of the revolutionary war, and his father 
and grandfather were associate justices in the court of 
common pleas for Merrimack county. 

On his mother's side he is a lineal descendant of Elder 
William Brewster, one of the Mayflower Pilgrims. Mr. 
Whittemore was educated at Pembroke academy and the 
Harvard law school and was admitted to the bar in March, 
1879. He soon afterward became a law partner with 
Judge C. W. Woodman of Dover, the partnership continu- 
ing until Judge W T oodman's death in 1888, since which 
time he has practiced alone with marked success. 

In 1895 ne was appointed by the comptroller of the 
currency receiver of the Dover National Bank, which was 
wrecked by the defalcation of cashier Isaac F. Abbott* 
and he so successfully liquidated the assets as to pay the 
depositors in full, with interest, and a substantial dividend 
to the stockholders. After the defalcation of Fred M. 
Varney, cashier of the Somersworth National Bank, last 

^a^AAifrVriif ■ ■**■>!,*&->,: 


^'^■W^^—^'rv-i" ■ ■' "■" ".'""■ ^-^ *~ ' ' ~ -TV-'-"."!".^? ; 




December, he assisted the stockholders in successfully re- 
organizing the bank. He has long been a director and a 
trustee respectively of the StraffordNational and Strafford 
Savings Banks. 

Mr. Whittemore has been identified with all the public 
enterprises promoting the welfare of his home city during 
the past quarter of a century. When the city established 
its system of water works, in 1887, he was elected a water 
commissioner, and he was chairman of the board several 
years, holding the position until his election, in 1900, as 
mayor of Dover. His three successive terms as mayor 
were epoch-making, in that they marked the establishment, 
chiefly through his influence, of some of the most substan- 
tial industries, and the securing of gifts from Andrew Car- 
negie of a library building and from the Franklin academy 
trustees of adjoining sites. for the library and present new 
high school building. He was a member of the legislature 
in 1903 and took an active part in its deliberations and was 
a member of the judiciary committee. 

In May, 1903, he was appointed a member of the New 
Hampshire Railroad Commission, succeeding the late 
Francis Faulkner of Keene, and in August last he was 
appointed chairman of the Commission, succeeding the 
late Henry M. Putney. 

Mr. Whittemore married, June 27, 1887, Caroline B. 
Rundlett of this city. They have two children, Manvel, 
who is a sophomore at Dartmouth, and Caroline. Mrs. 
Whittemore is prominent in local society having served 
two years as president of the Dover Woman's Club. 


The second member of the board who was first ap- 
pointed to succeed Edward B. S. Sanborn, of Franklin, No- 
vember 30, 1903, and whose term will expire January 1, 1910, 
is George Edward Bales, the only child of Charles A. and 
Frances M. (Hardy) Bales, was born in Wilton, September 


14, 1862. His education was acquired in the public schools 
of his native town, Francestown Academy and Phillips 
Exeter Academy, graduating from the latter with the class 
of 1883. Following a special course of one year at Har- 
vard University, he attended the Boston University Law 
School, from which he graduated in 1 888. He was admitted 
to the bar in July, and immediately entered upon the prac- 
tice of his chosen profession in Wilton, where he has con- 
tinued to the present time with a marked degree of suceess. 

Besides in his law practice he has been active in town 
affairs, and held many positions of trust and honor. He 
has been town treasurer and tax collector, a trustee of Will- 
ton Public library, a moderator for twenty years, and was 
a member of the school board for ten years. At the pres- 
ent time he is police judge. Though a democrat in a town 
that has a republican majority he was elected a representa- 
tive to the state legislature in 1895 an ^ 1897, the last term 
his party's candidate for speaker of the house. He had 
the distinction of being the only democrat on the judiciary 
committee during the session, and his able leadership of 
his party won for him its confidence and support so that he 
became the democratic nominee for congress at the follow- 
ing national election. He was appointed a member of the 
forestry commission, June 30, 1899, and re-appointed for a 
second term, but declined the office, his appointment upon 
the board of railroad commissioners coming to him the 
succeeding November. 

He is an attendant at the Unitarian Church, and is 
one of its executive committee. He is a Mason, is past 
master of Clinton Lodge, No. 52, Ancient Free and 
Accepted Masons, of Wilton; is past high priest of King 
Solomon Royal Arch Chapter, No. 17, of Milford; a mem- 
ber of Israel Hunt Council, No. 8, Royal and Select Mas- 
ters of Nashua; and of St. George Commandery, Knights 
Templar, of Nashua, and Bektash Temple, Ancient Arabic 
Order of Nobles of the Mystic Shrine, Concord. He is 
now junior deacon of the Grand Lodge of the State of 


New Hampshire. He is a past grand patron of the Order 
of the Eastern Star. He is also a member of Loyal Lodge, 
No. 78, Independent Order of Odd Fellows, of Wilton and 
of the Prospect Hill Encampment, No. 21, of Milford. 
Also a member of the New Hampshire Veterans' Associ- 

Mr. Bales married, October 16, 1889, Abbie M. French, 
born in Wilton, March 16, 1865, daughter of Francis B. 
and Frances C. (Howard) French, of Wilton. She is 
prominent in social circles, and is vice-president of the 
Woman's Alliance and past grand matron of the state, 
Order of the Eastern Star. They have one child, Milly 
Frances Bales, born February 6, 1893. 


The youngest member of the board, both in years and 
point of service, who received his appointment at a meet- 
ing of the governor and council, August 5, 1909, is Judge 
Oscar L. Young, of Laconia. He was born in Ossipee, 
September 11, 1874, the son of Timothy B. and Sarah I. 
(Buzzell) Young. He attended the public schools of 
Ossipee and Effingham, N. H., from which he went to 
Brewster Free Academy, in Wolfboro, N. H., where he 
was graduated in 1895. 

At the close of his academical course he entered the 
law office of Judge Sewell W. Abbott, of Wolfboro, apply- 
ing himself industriously in his preparation for the career 
he had mapped out for himself. In October, 1898, he 
entered the Boston University Law School, where he was 
graduated in June, 1900, with the degree of LL.B. Before 
completing his work at the university, he was admitted to 
the New Hampshire bar in March, of that year, and opened 
a law office in Wolfboro the following July. 

He continued his practice in Wolfboro a year. Believ- 
ing he could improve his chances in a larger place, he moved 
to Laconia, and became associated with Edwin H. Shan- 


non, of that city. In 1903 he continued the practice alone, 
rapidly building up a large and lucrative law business. In 
September, 1903, he was appointed judge of the Laconia 
police court. 

Always believing that a good citizen should take an 
interest in political affairs, he rose rapidly in the confidence 
and support of his party, and during the Campaign of 1908 
he was Chairman of the Republican State Committee, 
proving by his earnest and skillful management that he was 
worthy of the trust. 

During the hearing of the charges against the express 
company in this state last year, when Mr. Putney, who had 
served as chairman so long, was declared disqualified on 
account of personal interests, Judge Young acted as a sub- 
stitute on the board, showing by his conduct then his fit- 
ness for the permanent position which came to him soon 

Judge Young has been active in fraternal circles, and 
is a member of the Morning Star Lodge, No. 17, A. F. and 
A. M., Wolfboro; Fidelity Lodge, I. O. O. F., of Wolf- 
boro; Laconia Grange, Myrtle Rebekah Lodge, Wolfboro, 
and Mount Washington Chapter, O. E. S., Laconia. 

He was married July 11, 1909, to Miss Anna M. Paris 
of Wolfboro. 

The merriest heart that ever throbbed beats sometimes sorrow's strain, 

The merriest lips that ever smiled are sometimes curved in pain; 

The sunniest life that man can live a cloud will sometimes pall, 

And brightest hopes, like autumn leaves, will sometimes fade and fall. 

Old Theme Poems 


T& Old Rifle" 

The Old Rifle 


SJjT HUNG in the junk-shop in the lane, 

t^|j Kf^jj A relic of Seventeen Seventy-four. 
^4i@i': Blotched with rust and clinging stain, 

Scarred with bruises half a-score 

Full many a cruel knock, 'twas plain, 
Had tried its stuff in days of yore. 
Quaintly-patterned the well-worn stock,— 
Best of grain from some rare old block. — 
Curved at the butt like a crescent moon, 
And silver-tipt like a kobold's shoon. 
Shining patch-box of welded brass; 
Trigger-guard worn smooth as glass; 
Hammer wrought of the truest steel 
Etched as fine as the hair-like mass 
That floats away from a spider's reel. 
Long of barrel, this ancient gun, 
Smoothly bored for its ounce of lead,— 
Threaded steel by a master spun, 
Fired, and fined, till the maker said, 
"Good! 'twill do for the King's own son, 
Or best of rank that w r as ever bred." 
Sighted well, with a silver bead 
Lined to the clover-notch below; 
Rifle fit for a prince indeed. 
Pride of its maker, years ago! 

Standing there, while the sunlight streamed 
Over the sunlight on the wall — 

Rare old gentleman, so he seemed, 
Sadly out of his place withal— 
Was it fancy, or was it fact. 
That I heard him, sighing, say 
With a mellow voice, but a trifle cracked: — 
'I know what your pitying looks convey— 
A strange place this, and a mournful day, 
For an old-time swell of my calibre— eh? 
Ah, too true! In the olden time 
Praised and prized with the best was I, 
Wiped with silk when they laid me by, 
Polished down like a poet's rhyme! 
Better score at the range was none. 
True as star to its patch of sky, 
Straight as sunbeam from the sun, 
Sped my ball to the target's eye. 
Many the leaping stag I slew, 
Hurled him down to the grassy wold 
Headlong, drenched with the morning dew, 
Antlers ploughing the turf and mold. 

"Then they carried me over the sea, 
Brought me here to this goodly land, 
Free as the air of heav'n is free, 
Fairest isle by the Maker planned. 
Foremost I in the line that stood, 
Grim and staunch as a mountain wood, 
Down by the Concord bridge, that day, 
When the British soldiers turned away. 
Under one of those mossy stones 
Lies my ball in a Redcoat's bones! 
Grander triumph, keener thrill, 
Over those mounds at Bunker Hill! 
How I flashed on that awful day! 
Not a bullet I threw away. 
Loud and clear from my master's cheek, 
Death was the only word I'd speak. 


Oh, 'twas glorious, till found 
Fate had left us without a round! 
Oft again did I shout and blaze 
Freedom's name, in those stirring days. 
Fame and honor enough, say I — 
Would that a gun for a cause could die!" 

Here he stopped and looked sadly round, 
Looked at the scraps of brass and tin. 
Pails from their rusty hoops unbound, 
Kegs and tubs that had fallen in, — 
All the worn-out things that drop 
Into the grave of an old junk shop. 

'Noble heirloom and rare!" cried I. 
'Here no longer I'll let you lie!" 
Purchased then for a goodly sum, 
Proudly I carried the rifle home, 
Cleaned and polished its brass and steel, 
Scoured the silver on toe and heel, 
Rubbed the stock till it shone as bright 
As it did that day in the Concord fight. 
No more battles and no more chase, 
Only an honored past and place. 
Leave to boast of them o'er and o'er, 
While with eager and glad desire, 
Like children clustered about their sire, 
The modern rifles from rack and floor 
List to the marvels of 'Seventy-four! 




f ^ ""■ 

Drawn for Granite Statk Magazine by A. C. Gow, '09 
Inventor of the Steamboat 


Capt. ^amuel M^ty 

Who Built a Steamboat Fourteen Years Before Fulton 
By Gabriel Farrell, Jr. 

Coming at this time, when the minds of many are filled with the 
admiration and applause felt for Robert Fulton as the inventor of the 
steamboat, the following account of a more humble, yet more deserving, 
inventor contains greater interest to all who have the love of the Granite 
State in their hearts. While we are willing that New York's mechanic — 
some higher title if you please — should receive a large meed of praise for 
his successful application of steam power in propelling his boat, the 
"Clermont," we do deplore the wholesale credit that his followers shower 
upon him without qualification. In the words of another, "Had he com- 
prehended the value of his own invention, and had he found such a 
wealthy and powerful patron as Fulton found in Chancellor Livingston, 
Samuel Morey and not Robert Fulton would be hailed as the father of 
steam navigation." — Editor. 

T THIS time, when New York is enthusiastic over the 
invention of the steamboat and is doing its utmost to 
pay tribute to Robert Fulton, whom history credits 
with that important invention, other experimenters in that 
line, aspiring to the honor of being the original inventor, 
come to our knowledge. From the little town of Orford 
New Hampshire, comes such a claim, and it is one which 
appears to be sufficiently authenticated upon investigation. 
It is claimed that Capt. Samuel Morey ran the first 
steamboat upon the Connecticut River, at this point, in the 
year 1793, which is fourteen years before the launching of 
the "Clermont." Whatever may be the value of this 
claim, the career of Captain Morey, as one of New Hamp- 
shire's pioneer settlers, and as a man of wonderful invent- 
ive genius far beyond his time, is an interesting narrative. 
The first settlers in the town of Orford were John 
Mann and his wife, who started from Hebron, Conn., Octo- 



ber 16, 1765. They made the journey in eight days, the 
young wife on horseback, and her husband much of the 
way on foot. About three months later, these pioneers of a 
new settlement were followed by another family from 
Hebron, consisting of Col. Israel Morey, his wife and sev- 
eral children. 

This journey of about two hundred miles was made in 
the dead of winter — January, 1766 — with an ox team, the 
wife carrying in her arms an infant six months old. What 
a journey was that to be made at such a season, much of 
it through a pathless forest, an unbroken wilderness. 
From Charlestown to Orford, sixty miles, it is said that 
there were no roads, only a footpath with marked trees for 
guide posts. 

The family settled in Orford, and during the Revolu- 
tion the father was made general and commanded a body 
of brave men upon the frontier. He was a man of great 
mental force and soon became of much influence in that 
vicinity. Among the children of this hardy and cour- 
ageous pioneer was a boy four years of age, named Samuel. 

From what can be learned of the every day walks of 
the son Samuel, he seems to have inherited his father's 
general characteristics and developed into a man of equal 
force, of massive brain and mind, coupled with a splendid 
talent for mechanical ideas and pursuits. The earlier days 
of his life were passed within the limits of the township 
of Orford, but for a few years previous to his death, in 
1843, he lived in Fairiee, Vt., just across the waters of the 
Connecticut, upon which he made his early experiments. 

Morey possessed large tracts of land upon both sides 
of the Connecticut. Fifteen hundred acres of it lay around 
Fairiee pond. This tract was covered with large pines of 
primitive growth, towering to the sky and as yet untouched 
by the ax of man. He gave his attention largely to lum- 
bering, and during the winter he employed many men and 
oxen, drawing this timber to the Connecticut River. 


A considerable portion of this territory was inaccessi- 
ble except to men. Teams were entirely out of the ques- 
tion, so in order to secure the timber from the remote, lofty 
sections, Morey constructed large log slides. Down these 
the great pines were shot during the winter, ever increasing 
in speed until they finally landed at their destination, the 
shore of the pond. A canal was cut from the pond to the 
Connecticut River, for the transfer of these logs. Por- 
tions of this slide can still be seen on some of the hillsides 
and traces of the canal are still visible to visitors. 

Aside from his lumbering business, Captain Morey 
was interested in irrigation, and in the pioneer interests of 
the day. When the series of locks on the Connecticut 
River were built from Windsor, Conn., to Olcott Falls, he 
had charge of some of these, notably those at Bellows 
Falls, Vt., which were the result of his skillful planning 
and engineering. 

About 1780 he began to devote considerable of his time 
to matters of steam, heat and light, continuing until 1820 
or later, making many experiments, some successful and 
others not. As a result he invented quite early in his 
career an apparatus by which the steam escaping from a 
teakettle was made to do service in turning a spit, the 
appliance receiving the local name of "steam spit." 

While these experiments were in progress Morey cor- 
responded quite frequently with Professor Silliman of Yale 
College, contributing several articles upon the subjects 
uppermost in his thoughts, to the "Journal of Science and 
Arts." One article in particular, which appeared in the 
first volume of that journal, describes an apparatus for 
producing light and heat from steam and tar, and of this 
Professor Silliman says: 

"The inventor, not unskilled in chemistry, and aware 
of the attraction of oxygen for carbon, conceived it practi- 
cal to convert the constituents of water into fuel by means 
of its affinity." 


He succeeded in producing hydrogen carburetted gas, 
which, issuing from a pipe and being ignited, gave a blaze 
from the size of a candle to many hundred times larger, vary- 
ing at pleasure, showing by his simple apparatus that the 
burning of water was no hoax, but a reality. Among 
many valuable papers in the possession of Mr. Leonard 
Willard, a great grandson of the captain, now residing 
in Orford, is an old paper fully describing this method of 
producing light by the use of water and tar. The appara- 
tus described and the results obtained are very similar to 
those now common on automobile searchlights, in which 
calcium carbide and water are utilized. 

Among these papers are many interesting business 
letters and documents of Captain Morey, besides a large 
number of family letters that give interesting descriptions 
of events of those early days. In possession of various 
members of the family are patents granted to the inventor 
signed by presidents from Washington to Jackson. 

The first of these, dated on January 29, 1793, bears, 
in addition to the large, handsome flourish of the 
father of his country, the bold signature of Thomas 
Jefferson, then secretary of state. The invention was for 
a turning spit to be operated by steam. The next bears the 
signature of John Adams (1799) for an improvement of 
Morey's new water engine. One dated Washington, Novem- 
ber 13, 1800, is signed by Adams and Lee. In 1815, July 
14, Morey took out two patents signed by James Madison, 
president, and James Monroe, secretary of state, for tide 
and water wheels. December 11, 1817, J. Q. Adams, sec- 
retary of state, and William West, attorney-general, signed 
a patent for an apparatus for securing heat by burning 
water, called the American Waterburner. 

On April 1, 1826, Morey took a patent for a gas or 
vapor engine, signed by J. O. Adams, with Henry Clay as 
secretary of state. The last of these, in 1823, was signed 
by Andrew Jackson. The one intended to cover his 


steamboat is in the rooms of the Historical Society of New 
Hampshire, and was issued in 1795. 

Early in his experimental career,Captain Morey was per- 
suaded that the power of steam could be applied to propel- 
ling boats by means of paddle-wheels. He therefore set him- 
self to the task of inventing a boat to be thus propelled by 
steam. He made the boat, built the steam engine, put in the 
necessary machinery and made his first trip with complete 
success, running several miles from Orford up the Connecti- 
cut River and returning at the rate of four miles per hour. 
This was as early as 1793, at least fourteen years before 
Fulton's trial trip in the "Clermont" up the Hudson, and 
nine years before his first trial boat constructed in France. 

It is doubtful whether Fulton had turned his thoughts 
to the subject of steamboats before this time. This very 
year, 1793, is the first mention of this subject in connec- 
tion with Fulton that is known. Dr. Renwick, in his life 
of Fulton, mentions that he laid a scheme relating to 
steam navigation before Earl Stanhope, in a letter dated 
September 30, 1793. Another writer says, "Robert Fulton 
had thought of steam as a motive power for vessels as 
early as 1793." But it is very certain from all accounts 
that he devoted his energies to other subjects and to other 
plans until 1793 and later. 

There is what appears to be conclusive evidence that 
Captain Morey, encouraged by Professor Silliman of Yale, 
went to New York with the model of his boat, and had 
frequent interviews with Fulton and Chancellor Living- 
ston, before they had invented and put in operation the 
"Clermont." Morey was cordially received by them and 
treated with great respect and attention. While at New 
York they suggested to him some improvements in the 
construction of his boat, and it is even stated that they 
offered him for his invention seven thousand dollars if he 
would return home and make the alterations suggested, so 
as to operate favorably. These operations he made with 
entire success, and again repaired to New York, but his 



metropolitan friends treated him with such coldness and 
indifference as to clearly indicate that they desired no 
further intercourse with him. It is stated by adherents of 
Morey that Fulton and Livingston, seeing the model of 
Morey and thus acquiring his ideas, had accomplished their 
purpose and now were through with the backwoodsman. 
If these statements, made upon what appears to be compe- 
tent authority, are true, his treatment by Fulton and Liv- 
ingston was anything but creditable to them. 

Yet the proof appears quite positive and from a 
variety of sources that he made frequent trips up the Con- 
necticut in his little boat at that time. But as he was so 
far from leading scientific men and the best mechanical 
skill, the result was that Fulton, aided by the wealth of others 
and the influence of friends, finally succeeded in building, 
shortly after the captain's visit, a large boat upon the very 
principle of Morey's, namely, paddle-wheels. This has 
given him the credit of bringing into successful operation 
this important invention, while the real inventor being a 
man in obscure life and living far back from the great 
metropolis has passed into such obscurity as to be wholly 
unknown to fame. 

It is only justice to Mr. Fulton to say that he was the 
first man, that is, in connection with Chancellor Livingston 
and by the aid of Livingston's money, to make a practical 
business success of the steamboat. He did build a boat 
which was successfully propelled by steam by means of 
paddle-wheels, and he is, perhaps, properly called the father 
of Amercan steamboat navigation. But he cannot truth- 
fully claim credit as the first man to operate a steamboat. 

The original model of Morey's engine, and the one 
that is thought to have been shown to Fulton at this time, 
is in the possession of the Vermont Historical Society. 
The engine is in good working order, although the copper 
boiler, of ingenious structure, has suffered explosion. The 
model is a rotary engine, balanced on a disk one and one- 
eighth inches in diameter. The disk is attached to a tube 




connecting the boiler, and in it are two openings, one- 
half by one-eighth inch, one connected with the boiler, as 
mentioned above, the other opening in the air. This forms 
the valve seat. The valve consists of a second disk, with 
corresponding openings, fitting exactly upon the surface of 
the first disk, and from the two openings in this upper disk 
are tubes leading to the extremities of the cylinder. The 
piston rod is attached to a stationary crank in the center of 
the machine. The outward and inward movements of the 
piston cause the revolution of the upper disk, cylinder, etc., 
upon the lower disk; thus bringing the valves or openings in 
the upper disk, alternately over the steam tube and the 
escape opening of the lower disk. The entire length of the 
machine is 6 1-2 inches. The cylinder, which is of brass, 
is 1 15-16 inches in length and 1 1-2 inches in diameter. 
the length of stroke is 1 3-16 inches. The piston, which is 
of cast iron, is 1 3-8 inches in diameter, with a groove on the 
edge in which twine is used for packing. The piston rod 
plays on friction rollers. 

A letter written in 18 18, by Samuel Morey to William 
A. Duer, is most interesting, and gives Morey's own 
account of his experience. Mr. Duer was a prominent 
member of the New York legislature. The letter was 
called forth in connection with the grant of exclusive right 
to navigate the waters of New York, which was bestowed 
by the state on Livingston. 

Among other documentary proof is a letter written 
about 1850 by Mr. George A. Morey of Fairlee, Vt., a 
gentleman of the highest respectability, and a nephew of 
Captain Morey, who well remembered the story, as fre- 
quently told by Captain Morey and others who saw the 
boat when first built. From this letter the following 
abstract is taken: 

"It is and always has been claimed here, that he was 
the inventor of the steamboat instead of Fulton. Be that 
as it may, Fulton saw two of his models before he took a 
patent; and he (Morey) took two or three patents for the 


application of steam before Fulton took any. And then 
Fulton took one for the application of steam to boats, and 
that, after he had seen both models of Morey." 

The most reliable account of Morey's experiments and 
claim to having made the first application of steam to navi- 
gation and the first practical steamboat, was made and pub- 
lished about 1854 by the Rev. Cyrus Mann. Rev. Mr. 
Mann was the son of the original settler and founder of 
Orford. He died in 1859 at the age of seventy-three years. 
Mr. Mann was an educated man, and of the strictest intesr- 
rity, and is reputed to have spent considerable time and 
research in the investigation of the respective claims of 
Fulton, Morey and others, to the credit and honor of a 
practical success in steam navigation. The following is an 
abstract from his account of it: 

"The credit of the original invention of the steamboat 
is commonly awarded to Robert Fulton, but it is believed 
that it belongs primarily and chiefly to a far more obscure 
individual. So far as it is known, the first steamboat ever 
seen on the waters of America was invented by Capt. 
Samuel Morey, of Orford, N. H. The astonishing sight 
of this man ascending Connecticut River, between that 
place and Fairlee, in a little boat just big enough to con- 
tain himself, and the rude machinery connected with the 
steam boiler, and a handful of wood for a fire, was wit- 
nessed by the writer in his boyhood, and by others who yet 
survive. This was as early as 1793 or earlier, and before 
Fulton's name had ever been mentioned in connection with 
steam navigation." 

These statements are further corroborated by the Rev. 
Joel Mann, a brother of the writer of the above, in his 
centennial oration at Orford, delivered September 7, 1865. 
He says: 

"If I am not mistaken, Fulton obtained his first idea 
of such a vessel from Morey, and secured a patent just as 
Morey had secured, or was preparing to secure, one for him- 
self. Certain it is that the first boat moved by steam was 







Drawn for Granite State Magazine by A. C. Govv, '09 




Lit fw:i &::■.'&%* 



v iff tyu -t#p 


a little thing constructed by him, and its trial trip was on 
this river, opposite this village. The trial was made on a 
Sabbath, when the people were at meeting, to avoid notice, 
when he, with a brother of mine, passed up in it to where 
the bridge now is, for it was important to ascertain whether 
it would go against the current as well as with it. 

"My brother, Cyrus, a few years ago, collected and 
published the proofs of the fact that Morey was the real 
inventor of the steamboat, so far at least as steam could be 
applied to the propelling of such a craft. Had our ingen- 
ious townsman lived in Boston or New York, where his 
facilities for constructing and making improvements would 
have been such as he needed, he would now probably be 
acknowledged as the projector of those floating palaces 
which are crossing the ocean and visiting the remotest por- 
tions of the world." 

A letter written by a prominent gentleman in St. Johns- 
bury, Vt., and published in a Boston paper in 1874, says: 

"I am inclined to believe that the state of New Hamp- 
shire and the town of Orford are entitled to the honor and 
the claim of the man who first applied steam to navigation on 
American waters. I remember when a boy of hearing old 
settlers of Orford tell about Captain Morey's steamboat 
and how it ran on the Connecticut River. Captain Morey 
was a man of remarkable inventive genius, and among 
other strange things, he told the good people of the town 
that some day he should take a ride on the river in a steam- 
boat. They, of course, were faithless and only laughed at 
his project. But he persevered and constructed the first 
steamboat, probably, that ever rode upon river or sea. It 
was a rude affair for a steamboat, but it proved successful. 

"Captain Morey made his first experimental trip on 
Sunday, during the hours of religious service, when the 
people were at church. He chose this time so that nobody 
should see him in case of failure. The people went to 
meeting those days. On a quiet Sunday, not far either 
way from 1790, this notable man with his rude craft, 


steamed up the river between Fairlee and Orford, entirely 
alone (this is probably a mistake), and on the following day 
announced his triumph to the astonished people. Honor 
to whom honor is due! Soon after this Fulton consulted 
with Morey, and so did others, and ere long a steamboat 
was launched on the Hudson, and steam navigation, one of 
the modern wonders, became a practical fact." 

But this first boat in 1793 was not the only experiment 
of Captain Morey, for about 1S20 another boat came into 
existence on Fairlee Lake. This, the people about there 
say is the original boat, but the description of it in the 
possession of the Vermont Historical Society hardly corre- 
sponds with that of the earlier craft. The boat is described 
as follows: A large boat, fully twenty feet in length, 
painted white, with red streak and black gunwale, called 
"Aunt Sally." It has also been thought that the engine 
propelling this boat was the original, which was copied by 

The "Aunt Sally" was sunk in 1821, by enemies of 
Captain Morey, it is said. Many assert that the object 
of this was to destroy all evidence which might point to a 
successful steamboat earlier than Fulton's. About 1874 
the Vermont Historical Society sent a committee to Fairlee 
to try and find the boat and to ascertain if the engine 
was the original one and, if so, to preserve it as a historical 
relic. Owing to insufficient apparatus, their search 
amounted to naught. 

That the ingenious inventor can also place a claim on 
being the first to run an internal combustion motor boat is 
strong in the mind of the writer. It is known that on 
April 1, 1826, Morey took out a patent on a gas or vapor 
engine. The success or failure of this has never been 
accounted for hitherto, but the recent discovery by the 
writer, of a letter, among the papers in the family posses- 
sion, gives a description of a boat and its propelling power 
used in 1829. It also shows that the captain was not to be 


satisfied with a motor boat, but bad higher aspirations — to 
apply the power to a carriage. The letter is as follows: 

Messrs. Rush aud Muhlenburg: 

Dear Sir: — Perhaps I ought to have written sooner, but with all my 
exertions, and they have been as important as they ever were with you, I 
could not perfect, to my mind, the application of the "new power" to a 
boat until within two weeks. It will now run as regular as any that are 
driven with steam, and with very little expense. The boat is about nine- 
teen feet long, 5^ wide and the engine occupies only about eighteen inches 
of the stern, and sometimes goes between 7 and S miles per hour. 
The same engine may unquestionably, when in better hands, be made 
to drive one, properly constructed, of v twice the capacity, at least ten. Its 
application to stationary purposes I perfected last winter. Throughout 
the whole time I have been constantly perfecting the engine. 

I expect to leave here in two or three days for home to arrange my 
business for winter, and if possible to collect some money for you and 
Mr. Garrett, as well as some for myself, which I could do were there any in 
the country, as I have more than £3,000 of salable personal property and 
good debts. But whether I get any or not, you may expect to see me next 
month, if I am alive and well as usual. I have the engine already packed 
up to be put with the mails on board a Packet, as soon as I can get ready 
to start from home. Have been inclined to think I should send it to 
Baltimore in the first instance, but shall postpone entirely anything 
further. When I have the pleasure to see you I hope to learn what will 
be the best course to be taken. 

It remains for me to have the engine applied to a carriage on a rail, 
road, and when that is done, I should think I have done my part. I can 
but hope and trust the ensuing winter will see the engine well applied to 
a carriage on a railroad. With sentiments of the greatest esteem and 
friendship, I am dear Sirs, as ever, 


Sept., 1829. ' 

"It now runs as regular as any that are driven with 
steam." Doesn't that sound like a gas engine? Boat 
owners will agree. 


By A. W. and W. R. Nelson 

j-r^k EARLY surrounded by the forest-clad mountains 
4| xy of Washington and Sunapee, its fields and forests 
S^ divided by narrow highways and winding streams 

with an occasional farm-house stuck in here and there, and 
over all a stillness which to the city man is almost oppres- 
sive, being broken only occasionally by the far away 
tinkling of a cow bell, the cawing of a crow or the baying 
of a fox hound, lies the quiet unassuming town of Goshen, 
the home of true, honest, and hard working men and 
women, who have done much toward the making of this 
century. Where can we find a better type of American 
citizens than in our New England country towns these 
people whose ancestors more than one hundred and fifty 
years ago came up from the coast and hewed a place for 
themselves in the forest primeval. 


Through the years closely following 1750 a general 
exodus seems to have taken place from the New Hamp- 
shire tide water inland, many of the Connecticut valley 
towns being founded at this period. 

The first settlement was made in Goshen in 1769. 
That year three young men, Capt. Benjamin Rand, Daniel 
Grindle and William Lang, two of them at least unmarried, 
came from Portsmouth, locating on the wedge of land 
belonging to the grant of Sunapee the year before. So 
the credit of this settlement might have belonged to 
Sunapee, her actual founder coming from Rhode Island 
two years later. 

From somewhat contradictory dates it appears that 
these three men toiled each alone in his little clearing for 



ten or fifteen years. Finally, in 1780, Daniel Grindle 
brought home as his bride a Kingston lady, Elizabeth 
Tandy, or "Aunt Betty"' as she was better known. Cap- 
tain Rand was evidently married some years later. By this 
time cabins had been built and the forest opened away 
around them, the settlers supposing their hardest times to 
be past. 

The Grindles and Langs were within a short distance 
of each other, Grindle near Mrs. Hiram Thissell's home- 
stead and Lang a quarter of a mile to the east. Captain 
Rand, however, had been at once captivated by the spark- 
ling sheet of water now bearing his name, "Rand's Pond," 
and located on the hillside that slopes up from its northern 
shore. He chose this elevation both because of its health- 
fulness and the accepted fact that a hard wood clearing 
raised better crops than soft wood land. 

The cabin of logs stood on a rounding knoll thirty 
rods southwest of the dwelling now occupied by Delos 
Jones and faced eastward. Its dimensions are still to be 
seen plainly marked out around a shallow, unwalled cellar 
by an underpinning of common field stones. A cold 
spring was but a few steps from the door. The barn, built 
after the first few years of hardship were over, stood a 
little way below; while at an equal distance beyond the 
barn, Captain Rand placed a blacksmith-shop where later 
his livelihood was principally made. 

With families dependent upon them the tillage-plots 
proved frequently unequal to the burden. Because of the 
newness of the soil and the damp, unbroken forest sur- 
rounding, early frosts troubled the little settlement exceed- 
ingly* the crops of corn being often entirely destroyed. 
Nothing but blazed trails through the forest were found 
until near the Connecticut River. At times supplies had 
to be brought in on the backs of those pioneers from Wal- 
pole and Charlestown. Captain Rand, it is said, took one 
hundred and twenty pounds of corn at a time, a distance 
of from twenty to thirty miles. 



One autumn Mrs. Rand and her little boy gathered 
and dried a great quantity of wild woodvines upon which 
to feed their one cow. Aunt Betty Grindle, too, salted 
down three large butter-firkins of red-squirrel meat for 
winter use. 

Daniel Grindle was a carpenter and mason by trade 
and, finding the means of support somewhat scanty, he 
returned several summers to work in Portsmouth, leaving 
his wife sole guardian of the clearing. Upon one of these 
lonely evenings, her husband being absent, a bear 
attempted to carry off their pig. The pig-pen, behind the 
cabin, was stoutly constructed and before Bruin had gained 
entrance Aunt Betty arrived upon the scene. She had 
thrown a white sheet loosely about her shoulders and with 
the flapping of this, aided by her lusty screams, the bear 
was put to sudden and complete rout. 

Once more Aunt Betty had to face discomfort bravely 
when, alone as before, her provisions ran short. There 
was plenty of corn on the ear and finally, when she could 
put it off" no longer, for she had never driven an ox-team, 
she loaded the ox-cart with corn, yoked a pair of wild, 
young steers and started for the grist-mill at Charlestown. 
An irregular road had been cut through by this time to 
Charlestown, then the county-seat. When the road was 
plainly defined she rode on the cart, but upon nearing open 
meadows or grassy stretches, she would walk along ahead 
of the steers, coaxing them after her with corn-nubbins 
given at judicious intervals. In this manner Aunt Betty 
passed the day and late in the evening turned in at a 
friend's gate. 

The house was dark and without arousing its inmates 
she got her oxen into the barn and fed them. She slept 
all night upon a hay-mow. Breakfasting with her friends, 
in the farm-house she was soon upon her way again, reach- 
ing the mill and returning home with her grist in safety. 

Despite all hardships, or because of them, Aunt Betty 
Grindle lived to a ripe old age of 104 years, passing away 


at the home of a grandson, Samuel Burnham, at Goshen 
Corners. She is remembered by many as a little, old 
white-haired lady who saw the founding of the town. 

Seven children were born to Benjamin Rand and 
"Temperance, his wife," the eldest, Azrien(?) Rand, being 
born December 23, 1789. Captain Rand died at an age of 
eighty years and was buried upon his own farm, on the 
southerly hill slope, thirty rods below the old cabin. Some 
twenty-five settlers had already found burial there and 
Mrs. Rand soon followed her husband, rough fragments of 
slate marking head and foot of each grave, without wording 
to tell who lies beneath. 

A pitiable fate overtook the neighbor, William Lang. 
Insanity, which was continued through two generations 
following, appeared in a violent form and he passed his 
last years in close confinement, so dangerous that keepers 
came no nearer than to slide in food and throw him straw 
to sleep upon. 

Mrs. Lang, too, came upon the town for support and 
in 181 1, as the custom then was, one Robert Lear bid off 
the unfortunate couple at vendue, to support one year for 
$79. The old man died during that year and then "the 
Widow Lang" was sold into service for $1.28 a month, her 
one cow and the use of the farm belonging to her pur- 
chaser. Such was the irony of fate that these early 
pioneers should suffer an ignominious end. 


A corporation known as the Croydon Turnpike Co. 
built and maintained the highway which extended from 
Lebanon to Washington through Croydon, Newport and 
Goshen, connecting with other roads which made it the 
direct route from the central Connecticut valley to Boston. 
In the year 1802 the town of Goshen voted to take thirty 
shares at $10 a share, in the Croydon turnpike if it would 
be built through the town; but it was not completed until 
1806. Alfred Booth worked upon the turnpike at its build- 


ing, being then a youug man. Day after day, he said, the 
construction forces pushed along, grading away banks, and 
"corduroying" marshes with logs that have been contin- 
ually appearing in the roadway since. One day he with 
one companion put SIXTY oxcart loads of dirt onto these 
felled logs within ten hours. 

Every autumn witnessed the traffic in produce bound 
for Boston markets. Soon the date for starting became 
generally established and as the time drew near teams 
began their journey southward, picking up others at every 
branch-road until a string of twenty teams, from four to 
eight horse, might have been collected before reaching 
Goshen. Thirty teams a day were frequently counted in 
the early years by Grandmother McCrillis, while her hus- 
band, John, would work at his blacksmith's forge till eleven 
o'clock at night; then be up and at it again at two the next 

Toll-gates were established along the course of the 
turnpike to defray cost of maintenance, but naturally did 
not prove popular, although the toll exacted was but two 
cents, pedestrians free. The Goshen toll-gate was first 
placed on the hill above the old Allen tavern in Newport. 
But in 1830 it had been moved into Goshen proper to the 
E. S. Robinson place. Here Daniel Emerson lived and 
kept the gate till the overthrow of private ownership of 
the road. The posts of the toll-gate were frequently bored 
off at night and carried away bodily, and more often was 
the obstructing pole thrown down by indignant travelers. 
It is said that in the last years many light teams went up 
and around through East Unity and so down onto the turn- 
pike to avoid paying toll. 

Without taverns the turnpike would have been well- 
nigh impassable, for, it is said, more than five miles 
between taverns obliged teamsters to take a bottle. 

Liquor agents and taverners were appointed by the 
selectmen each year. 



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The first license was granted Capt Amos Hall, Feb- 
ruary 9, 1793, "to sell or retail spiritous liquors of all 
kinds, by a larger or smaller quantity, for one year." Cap- 
tain Hall was also appointed taverner in the early spring 

of 1795- 

For many years two taverns were kept in town, one at 
Mill Village and the other at Goshen Corner. 

The old Trow Tavern at Goshen Corner was built 
probably about 1S06 by one Calvin Farnsworth, who came 
to this town from Washington. It was situated a few rods 
south of the present post-office building at the Corners, 
facing westerly to the turnpike, only its lilac-screened 
cellars now remaining to mark the spot. Captain Trow 
was its last landlord. Then for many years it stood vacant, 
until a gale in February, 1878, a part of the roof was blown 
off, causing it to be demolished the following summer. 

But as the town grew and its people prospered not 
only were turnpikes and taverns built and maintained, but 
also schools and churches of which the good people were 
justly proud. John Towne of Newport wrote in 1888, 
mentioning this fact: 

"To Goshen Corners I did go, 

Where the wind was fresh and cooling 
And the good people there I found 
Believed in thorough schooling." 

In the early days of the "Line School-house," so 
styled because it was built upon the bound between Goshen 
and Newport, it was quite the custom to throw out unpop- 
ular teachers. One winter term three masters had been 
thus served and in desperation the school-committee hired 
Lemuel P. Cooper of Croydon to complete the term merely 
giving notice that school would begin again Monday. 
Cooper was then a young man, standing six feet three 
inches in height, and the champion wrestler of the county. 
At one time he was strongly supported for governor by the 
Labor Reform party. Monday morning came and a boy 
was chopping wood in front of the schoolhouse when a tall 
stranger approached and asked, "School keeping now?" 


The boy replied that it was. "We've thrown out three 
masters and a new one is coming to-day — we don't know 
who," he explained." 

"Well now, that is a joke. Going to throw out the 
new master?" the stranger inquired. 

If they didn't like him they would and might anyway; 
they had a plan the boy hinted. So the two talked on and 
the stranger decided to stop and see the fun. 

Scholars began to come and still the new master had 
not appeared. Talk about him and the new plan ran freely, 
in which the stranger joined. At one minute of the 
school-hour the tall stranger stepped up to the teacher's 
desk, then turning quickly and whipping out a ruler like a 
small club, he banged it upon the desk before him and 
thundered out, "Come to order! I am your master." 

He was Lemuel P. Cooper and, needless to say, a more 
peaceful term of school was never taught. 

The Congregational Church was the first religious 
society formed in town. The church was organized Feb- 
ruary 23, 1802, with nineteen members. 

The Baptist church was organized at the home of 
Deacon Parker Tandy, October 12, 1803, with thirteen 
constituent members. 

In December, 1850, Rev. Eleazer D. Farr of Hartford, 
Vt., then missionary in Lowell, Mass., visited the church, 
found a membership of but twenty-one, and decided to 
accept the pastorate. During the first year of his labors 
he caused the erection of the present church edifice (1851), 
traveling throughout this state and Massachusetts solicit- 
ing funds for its building. He assumed all expense in his 
own name, worked with his carpenters, draughted the plans 
for the house himself, and November 12 it was dedicated 
free of debt, although built at a cost of $1,095. 

The Olive G. Pettis Free Library was established Jan- 
uary 1, 1890, by the gift of 450 bound volumes, from Mrs. 
Sarah H. Deming, who so named it in memory of her 
mother, and this fine library to which many volumes 



have been added each year was placed last November in a 
handsome new library building, built by public subscrip- 
tion and fittingly dedicated. 

Goshen has a War Record of which to be proud hay- 
ing sent seven to the Revolution, and at least one in 1812. 
When the call came in 1861 she outdid all previous records 
by sending 58 brave soldiers to the front from her meagre 
supply of young men. 

The town also furnished four in the Spanish-American 


The population in 1900 was 345. The Town Report 
for the year ending February 15, 1908, begins thus: 

Valuation of improved and unimproved land and build- 
ings £111,390, Number of horses, 139; cows 214, sheep 
145. Stock in trade $6,946. 

The 1908 town report also shows the town to be an 
excellent health resort and this item should not be over- 
looked by the vacationist. 

Report of Board of Health 

"No contagious diseases during the year and only one 
death from tuberculosis," and in the vital statistics we find 
only eight deaths registered from all causes. This alone 
should be a good advertisement for our summer hotel pro- 
prietors to display and it is not to be wondered at that the 
business is rapidly growing. Mr. S. C. Winter at the vil- 
lage Mr. Lew Bowl by at the "Corners" and Mr. Thissell 
near Rand's Pond, all having full houses the whole 
summer long. 

Farming is the principal occupation. Corn and pota- 
toes constitute the main crops, little grain being raised and 
that for stock-feeding. Of stock, cows are accounted the 
most profitable, fresh milk being sold to Whiting of Boston. 
Poultry raising proves profitable also, some large flocks of 
turkeys, ducks, geese and chickens being raised each year 


and dressed and shipped to Massachusetts every fall in 
time for the Thanksgiving and Christmas trade. Among 
the most successful of these poultry raisers are such as 
John Pike, noted for his large and brown eggs, John 
Gocha, E. W. Pike, Miss Pettis, Mrs. Whipple, Burke 
Booth, Fred Pike and The Nelsons, whose large flocks of 
tnrkeys are of much interest to the visitor. 

A large quantity of first-rate maple syrup is produced 
each season, which readily brings a high price in the mar- 
kets, and in a good season many a farmer clears one hun- 
dred dollars above all expenses for his one month's hard 
work of wallowing in the snow, tapping his trees, gather- 
ing the sap and washing the buckets. 

Mr. O. E. Farr is one of Goshen's largest maple 
syrup producers having a suberb sugar orchard of two 
thousand trees, from which he makes several hundred gal- 
lons of syrup each year. 

For the last forty years perhaps there has been a 
steady exodus of the young people from the farm to the 
city. As soon as they became old enough to choose for 
themselves, the artificial life, the alleged plentifulness of 
money and in some instances the real advantages of the 
city drew the young men and women away from the old 
farm, but the tide has already begun to set back and in 
closing as we sum it all up we find houses all occupied — 
buildings being built repaired, remodeled, repainted — fresh- 
ening animation in business and all society work. These 
are encouraging signs of the time. 

Ctefe. ^attfjeto Clark 

By Marian Douglas 

This divine came to Londonderry. N. H., in 1729, soon after the 
decease of Rev. James McGregor, marrying for his third wife the widow 
of the latter clergyman. Though never settled as minister over that 
church he supplied the pulpit here for over six years, and until his death, 
January 25. 1735, in his seventy-sixth year. 

He was an active, earnest worker both in the church and out of it. 
He had served as an officer in the Protestant army during the siege of 
Londonderry, Ire., and was wounded by a ball grazing his right temple. 
This wound never healed and he wore a black patch over it, which shows 
in his" portrait. Something of the military spirit he had imbibed in his 
earlier life seemed to have followed him in his later years, for it is related 
that once while serving as moderator of a church meeting the martial 
music of a training band interrupted his duties. Upon being reminded of 
his inattention to business he replied: "Nae business while I hear the toot 
o' the drum." 

During divine service one Sabbath a young British officer clad in 
bright uniform, of which he evidently felt very proud, entered the church 
and after passing up the centre aisle remained standing, while he was the 
object of every gaze, no doubt feeling that he was creating a good amount 
of admiration; especially from the young ladies of the congregation. 
Seeing the attention of his audience taken up in this manner, Mr. Clark 
paused in the midst of his sermon, saying; "Ye are a brave lad, ye have 
a brave suit o' clothes, and we ha'e a' seen them; ye may sit doun." This 
completely vanquished the young soldier, and he immediately became less 
conspicuous. — Editor. 

Fresh leaves glisten in the sun, 
And the air is soft and clear; 
Tis the spring-tide of the year 

Of our Lord 
Seventeen hundred thirty-one. 
T is the robin's wedding-time, 
And a breath of plum and cherry, 
Makes the air of Londonderry 
Sweet as Eden in its prime. 


On the road the shadow falls 

Of the Reverend Matthew Clark * 

Man of prayer and man of mark, 

Out to-day, 
Making some parochial calls, 
Keeper of the village fold, 
Seventy years he's seen already; 
Still his step is firm and steady, 
And his eye is keen and bold. 

Neither wrong nor vice he spares; 

Not alone the pastoral crook, 

But the smooth stones from the brook. 

Close at hand, 
And the ready sling he bears; 
And, if any go astray, 
He is not afaid to use them; — 
Better wound his flock than lose them 
Blindly wandering away. 

Hopeful for the days to be, 
Forward all his dreams are cast, 
But his memories of the past, 

One and all, 
Lie in lands beyond the sea; 
For, but lately, from abroad,, 
To light up the Deny weavers, 
Honest men and true believers, 
Came this "candle of the Lord." 

Matching well his dauntless mien, 
On his temple is a scar, 
(You can see it just as far 
As his wig 

•Rer. Matthew Clark was the second minister of Londomderry, 


Or the man himself is seen.) 

Bravely won, when, Heaven's own liege, 

'Mid the groans of starved and dying, 

He had fought, on God relying, 

In the Londonderry siege. 

Still that memory remains; 
And a sound of martial strife, 
Beat of drum or shriek of fife, 

Makes the blood 
Thrill and tingle in his veins; 
And his heart grows young again, 
Thinking of the vanished glory 
Of those days renowned in story, 
Days of triumph and of pain, 

When, his cold breath on each brow, 
Brave men, without doubt or dread, 
Looked in death's stern eyes and said. 

Gravely firm, 
"We are stronger far than thou! 
Friends of Truth and foes of Guilt, 
Wounded, starving, fainting, breathless, 
We are God's, and God is deathless — 
Take us, leave us; as thou wilt!" 

But, to-day, the air of spring 
Breathes around a peaceful calm, 
And his thoughts are like a psalm, 

"Praise to God! v 
Sung by Israel's shepherd king; 
And around him Fancy paints 
Here the building rod of Aaron, 
There the mystic rose of Sharon 
And the lilies of the saints. 


And the wind that softly steals 
From the orchard trees in bloom, 
Laden with their sweet perfume. 

Seems to him 
Blowing from celestial fields. 
Priest and teacher of the town, 
Long as stands good Londonderry, 
With its stories sad and merry, 
Shall thy name be handed down 
As a man of prayer and mark, 
Grave and reverend Matthew Clark! 

Cfjtftihoofci ^aj»3 

By Helen Merrill Choate 

I can never forget the days of old 
That gleam in memory like threads of gold, 
When life was sweet as honeyed sips, 
And never a sigh escaped my lips. 

All earth seemed fair, the air was sweet, 
And love and peace reigned so complete, 
In my childhood home among the hills, 
That abounded in lakes and mountain rills. 

Those happy hours have long passed away, 

And yet they seem but yesterday, 

Ah, could I but ray steps retrace, 

And live as of yore in the same old place. 

A silent tear is sure to flow, 

For the rosy dawn of long ago, 

As I turn my eyes with longing gaze, 

Toward the backward vista of childhood days. 


03eneral 3o£epIj Cillep 


By John Scales, A. B., A. M. 

S MAJOR CILLEY was one of the men who 
helped take the powder from Portsmouth and 
carry it up the Pascataqua River to Durham, from 
where it was distributed, he knew just what towns to 
which to go and get it, in that time of distressing need. 
Some of it had already been used at the battle of Bunker 
Hill by Colonels Stark r.nd Reid. Major Cilley attended 
to the duty assigned him and in due time had the powder 
on the way to Winter Hill for use of the soldiers under 
General Sullivan's command. The reader must bear in 
mind that they did not have any telephones, telegraphs or 
postoffices, and not very good roads in those days. All 
letters and messages had to be sent by special carriers, who 
rode on horseback, the latter being the way Major Cilley 
went from town to town and gave orders for moving the 
powder. When it came to carting the powder to Exeter, 
and thence to Winter Hill, the work was done by ox teams; 
they were slow, sturdy oxen and patriots held the goads, 
and if slow they got there without delay. That campaign 
of 1775 was the liveliest New Hampshire ever saw, and 
Major Cilley was one Of the most active men. He was 
also one of the foremost during the siege of Boston, from 
August, 1775, till the evacuation, March 17, 1776. Occa- 
sionally he took a hand in arranging the defences at Ports- 
mouth Harbor in the fall of 1775. 

When the British left Boston, General Washington 
anticipated that the next attack would be on New York, so 
he marched his army as rapidly as possible to that place, 
where he waited and watched for the movements of 



Admiral Howe. General Sullivan's brigade, of which 
Major Cilley's regiment (Third) was a part, went to New 
York with Washington. While the siege of Boston was 
going on, General Montgomery from Ticonderoga and the 
New Hampshire troops under Benedict Arnold from Cam- 
bridge had attempted to capture Quebec, and failed, Mont- 
gomery losing his life (Dec. 31, 1775). The army then 
commenced the retreat up the St. Lawrence River, pur- 
sued by the British forces. General Thomas was placed 
in command of the American Army. 

To relieve and save the army from destruction Gen- 
eral Washington ordered General Sullivan and his brigade 
to march as speedily as possible to Canada. Sullivan left 
New York April 22, 1776, went up the Hudson river, then 
overland to Ticonderoga, down Lake Champlain to the 
Sorel River, down that river to the St. Lawrence, and so 
on until he met and saved General Thomas's army, Thomas 
having died before Sullivan arrived at the point of meeting. 
Then came the retreat; many of the men sick with small- 
pox; but at length General Sullivan and his army reached 
Ticonderoga. The whole story is thrilling and soul-stir- 
ring, the bravery and the suffering of the men, the skill 
and good generalship of Sullivan, make one of the remark- 
able chapters in the history of the Revolutionary War. 
Major Cilley had been promoted to Lieut.-Colonel in June, 
on retirement of John McDuffee, and was a conspicuous, 
brave and useful officer during the Canadian campaign of 
rescue. It was fortunate that he kept his health all 
through it, while so many of his men were sick. When 
Sullivan's army reached Crown Point and went into camp, 
Colonel Trumbull took a look at them; he says: "I did not 
look into a tent or hut in which I did not find either a dead 
or a dying man." 

After remaining there and at Ticonderoga a while, 
General Gates being the superior in rank of Sullivan and 
in command, Sullivan and his brigade of New Hampshire 
(Lt. Col. Cilley's regiment a part of it) left for New York 


and joined Washington, at some day in the last of .'July 
1776. Washington's army then consisted of about 
20,000 men, of whom one fifth were sick, Lieut. Col. Cil- 
ley not being one of the list. Washington was socn re- 
enforced by 7,000 troops, mostly New England men. 
Against them, on Staten Island, Generals Clinton and 
Cornwallis had 24,000 of the best disciplined, healthy and 
well-fed soldiers in the world. Clinton was preparing to 
go over into Long Island, and then attack Washington, 
who divining the purpose of the British, sent a consider- 
able part of his army across East River to Long Island 
and placed General Greene in command to meet Clinton's 
army. Among the troops who went over were General 
Sullivan's brigade, one regiment of which was Lieut. Colonel 
Cilley's, the Third New Hampshire. Previous to the bat- 
tle August 27, 1776, there were several days of manoeuver- 
ing by both armies to get in touch. General Greene was 
taken sick and General Sullivan took his place for a while, 
then General Putnam was put in chief command and held 
it until the defeat and retreat were completed. It is not 
the purpose of this article to describe the battle in detail. 
Suffice to say that when Sullivan was surprised and taken 
prisoner, Lieut.-Colonel Cilley's regiment and most of the 
other New Hampshire troops fought their way through the 
British lines which surrounded them and retreated success- 
fully across East River to New York. That was the first 
actual fighting in battle in which Cilley was engaged, and 
he showed himself to be a brave, fearless and skillful 

General Carleton compelled Washington to begin his 
retreat out of New York City September 13 1776. He 
crossed the Hudson to New Jersey and through that State to 
Pennsylvania; Cilley and the other New Hampshire troops 
were with him. Then followed the battle of Trenton 
December 26, 1776, and the battle of Princeton, January 
3, 1777. When the British had driven Washington's army 
across the Delaware River General Howe felt sure that the 


back: of the "rebellion" was broken, and his army was 
taking things easy, encamped along the Jersey bank of the 
Delaware. Lieut. Colonel Cilley was with his old Dur- 
ham friend, General Sullivan, when Washington's army 
crossed the Delaware, and on that cold winter night when 
the ice was forming and its surface was covered with float- 
ing pieces. The current was swift and the night was dark. 
Towards midnight a storm of snow and sleet set in and 
through this they crossed to the Jersey shore. This must 
have reminded Sullivan and Cilley of the capture they had 
together made at Fort William and Mary at New Castle two 
years before. After crossing the river Sullivan marched his 
part of the army along the road by the river, and the cap- 
ture of the British force at Trenton soon followed; the 
grand victory need not be further described here; Sullivan 
and Cilley were among the heroes. 

At Princeton, where Washington outgeneralled Corn- 
wallis by the brilliant camp fires and shrewdly managed 
flank movement of his army, the New Hampshire troops 
under Colonels Stark, Reid and Poor were in the thick of 
the fight and put to flight the British 55th and 40th regi- 
ments, which ended the battle. That Lieut. Colonel Cilley 
did his share of the fighting is a certain fact. Washing- 
ton then marched his army to Morristown and went into 
winter quarters, the New Hampshire regiments being with 
him. During January and February, 1777, these regi- 
ments were reorganized. Col. John Stark becoming 
indignant because Col. Enoch Poor was appointed brigadier 
general over him by Congress, would not serve longer as 
Colonel of the First Regiment. So Lieut. Colonel Cilley 
of the Third Regiment was appointed Colonel of the First 
Regiment in place of Stark, April 2, 1777. 


Joseph Cilley was promoted to Colonel of the First 
New Hampshire Regiment February 22, 1777; he received 




his commission from congress April 2, 1777, he being then 
at Morristown, New Jessey; soon after he marched with 
his regiment to Ticonderoga, as part of General Poor's 
Brigade. This move was made necessary by the news that 
a large British force was on the march from Canada to that 
place, via Lake Champlain and Crown Point. It was said 
that General Burgoyne had it in mind to march down 
through Vermont and New Hampshire to Boston and re- 
capture what the British had been compelled to give up 
when Washington forced them to evacuate that town 
March 17, 1776. 

Colonel Cilley encamped his regiment in the "Old 
French Lines," in May, having tents for their habitations. 
The regiments of Colonels Scammell and Dearborn were 
compatriots on the same beautiful camping ground, and 
General Enoch Poor was in command at Ticonderoga. It 
is fortunate for the historian that one man ot Colonel Cil- 
ley's regiment kept a daily record of the events in which 
the regiment participated for three years from May 13, 
1777, t0 May, 1 78 1. That man was Thomas Blake, of 
Lebanon, N. H., who was Lieutenant of one of the com- 
panies. The diary was published in 1868 by Mr. Frederick 
Kidder of Boston. Lieutentant Blake started on his jour- 
ney from Lebanon May 14, and reached Fort Independ- 
ence, on the Vermont side of Lake Champlain, May 21, 
and joined his regiment that day. He says it was a very 
hard tramp of seven days over very bad roads. 

General Poor was superceded in command of Ticon- 
deroga, June 11, by Major-General St. Clair. The enemy 
had begun to make their appearance then, and Colonel 
Cilley's regiment had its first encounter with the advance 
guard, on June 17, the second anniversary of the battle of 
Bunker Hill, in which the regiment had taken a conspic- 
uous and important part, under command of its first Col- 
onel, John Stark, Cilley not then being a member of the 
regiment. In that first encounter Colonel Cilley's men 
did not suffer loss, but they killed one of the enemy and 


dispersed the rest. On June 30, the enemy began to 
arrive in force, in numerous boats, landing troops on both 
sides of the Lake and stationing their ships across the 
water from shore to shore. On July 1st the enemy got 
possession of Mt. Hope, about one mile from Colonel 
Cilley's regiment, and the next day the regiment had a 
sharp encounter with the enemy; five of our men were 
killed, four were wounded and one man was taken prisoner; 
Colonel Cilley's son Jonathan, a boy of fifteen years who 
was serving as an aid on his father's staff. The boy was 
retained as a prisoner for a while, but when General Bur- 
goyne learned that he was the son of a colonel of a New 
Hampshire regiment he granted him a pass to return to 
the American lines and permitted him to select any article 
of clothing he might desire from the large amount Bur- 
goyne's men had captured from the American army, when 
it beat such a hasty retreat from Ticonderoga. Jonathan 
was also provided with an old horse and a pair of saddle 
bags containing proclamations by Burgoyne, ordering the 
rebel Americans to surrender. He overtook his father 
somewhere on the line of retreat from Lake Champlain to 
North River. Colonel Cilley took one of the proclama- 
tions and read it aloud in the presence of his regiment; 
then ordering all of the circulars to be torn in pieces and 
scattered to the wind, he said: 

"Thus may the British Army be scattered!" 
During this disastrous retreat, at night, when every- 
thing was in confusion, Gen. Kosciuszko, not being able 
to find his own horse, took the first that came in his way. 
It belonged to Adjutant Caleb Stark of Colonel Cilley's 
staff. When Stark came for his horse and not finding it 
where he left it, proceeded on foot until daylight, when he 
discovered the Polish general mounted on his horse and 
demanded his property, which the other refused to give up. 
Kosciuszko was a highly educated military officer, then 31 
years old; Stark was a youth of 18 years; the Polish officer 
was very impulsive, and young Stark was a "chip of the old 


block," having served with his father at the battle of Bunker 
Hill; high words ensued between the Pole and the Yankee. 
Stark challenged him to fight a duel; Kosciuszko replied, 
that "a subaltern is not of sufficient rank to meet a briga- 
dier general." — "If he is not," said a person coming up on 
foot, "I am. This officer, general, is my adjutant, the 
horse is his property, and his demand is a proper one." 
"Ah, Colonel Cilley," replied the general, "if that is the 
case I will give up the horse." The adjutant recovered 
his horse; but in half an hour afterward, Colonel Cilley, 
who had lost his own horse, said, "Stark, I am tired, you 
must lend me your horse," which request was cheerfully 
complied with, as Cilley was a man of 43 years. That 
retreat from Ticonderoga and the summer campaign on the 
upper part of the Hudson river, was a very trying time to 
the regiment and its officers. 

The abandonment of Ticonderoga began very sud- 
denly, as the enemy came upon the Americans in an unex- 
pected, and as was supposed, impossible quarter. On the 
night of July 6, Lieutenant Blake says, "The First Regi- 
ment was ordered to strike its tents about one o'oclock in 
the morning, and parade as soon as possible with packs and 
provisions. As soon as we were paraded we marched over 
Mt. Independence, where we found all in moving posture, 
the boats and batteaux chiefly loaded, the provisions not all 
taken in, the clothing chests all broken open, the clothing 
scattered about and carried off by all who were disposed to 
take, and everything in great confusion. About sunrise 
the last of the boats and the rear guard left the Mount, by 
which time the enemy were in the 'French lines.' The 
body of the army marched as far as Castleton, which is 
about 30 miles, and the rear guard with the men who could 
not keep up with the body, tarried at Hubbardtown six 
miles back." 

Colonel Cilley's regiment was not of the number that 
"tarried at Hubbardtown" and had a lively fight with the 
advance guard of the enemy, but kept on and after a very 


fatiguing march of five days came to North or Hudson 
River, along the banks of which, several weeks later, 
occurred the battles which led to the surrender of Bur- 
goyne at Saratoga. From that date to September 10, the 
regiment was engaged in hard work, along the river, at 
various points, but they had no fighting to do with the 
enemy. On Sept. 10, Lieutenant Blake says: — "We began 
to fortify on the heights back of Stillwater, and built a 
floating bridge across the river, etc." On the 12th they 
marched up the river about three miles, and encamped on 
the high ground, about half a mile from the river, known 
by the name of Bemis's Heights, where they fortified, the 
enemy then being at Saratoga. There they prepared, 
with the rest of the army, for the first great battle with 
Burgoyne, which took place on the 19th and concerning 
which Lieutenant Blake very modestly says: 

"About 12 o'clock (noon) the First New Hampshire 
Regiment marched out to meet the enemy. We met them 
about one mile from our encampment, where the engage- 
ment began very closely, and continued about 20 minutes, 
in which time we lost so many men, and received no re- 
enforcement, that we were obliged to retreat, but before 
we got to the encampment we met two regiments coming 
out as a re-enforcement, when we returned and renewed 
the attack, which continued very warm until dark, at which 
time we withdrew and retired to our encampment. In this 
engagement the enemy had two field pieces in the field, 
which we took three or four times, but as it was in the 
woods, they were not removed." 

( To be continued) 


No. X 



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Chara&er Sketches 

"Coureur du Bois" 

^5" OLLOWiNG in the wake of Carrier, the discov- 
ti\ j ~~^ ^ erer °f Canada, was a character in New 
: 'f^\c^f >',?}' France, which was the opposite of the Puritan 
i|€fbi£ fagPl* ' in New England. Instead of a home-maker 
the coureur du bois was a rover of the wilderness, the fur 
trade of his day offering him a ready excuse for his wander- 
ings. A restless nature ever urged him on to find solace for a 
soul that neither compasssed peace nor longings that were sat- 
isfied, he was continually prompted to seek new and distant 
sections of the vast solitude where the white man's foot had 
never penetrated. 

In the lives of the coureurs du bois, "runners of the 
woods,"--"runners of risks," says the keen-witted Hontan-- 
Canada offers a prolific source of romance. XVith a swarthy 
face, his small head covered with a red woolen cap, made 
loose, or a head -gear from the skin of the fox or the wolf, his 
lithe body clad in blanket coats, girthed about the waist with 
stout leathern thongs, his lower limbs encased in deerskin 
leggings, fringed along the seams, and his feet thrust into moc- 
casins ornamented with porcupine quills, the Canadian ranger 
looked what he was, the most picturesque character that came 
to the front in that adventurous period. In the course of his 
career he wandered over all the great North West. With- 
out him New France must have remained a dream in the 
troubled sleep of the French; with him she became a night- 

The nearest approach to him among the English has been 
the Trapper of the Far West, who led the way to civilization 
beyond the Rocky Mountains. He found his closest rival in 
the sable hunter of Siberia, though the latter never disturbed 

the peace of the country or threatened its morals as did the 
lone fur-trader of the Northwest. As a gold-seeker rather 
than a fur-seeker, an element closely allied with him in spirit 
over-ran Australia for a period, and then vanished as swiftly 
and mysteriously as it had come, even as the coureur du bois 
disappeared from the Canadian wilds. 

Those who may fee! that the predominating trait of the 
coureur du bois was closely allied to savagery should not 
forget that it is but a step backward from civilization to bar- 
barism. Nor is the spirit yet wholly removed from us. In the 
rapidity and pleasure with which men delight to isolate them- 
selves, break away from the shell of conventionality and wal- 
low in the furrow of indolent imagery, we see ample proof of 
this. We see it typified in the hunter lured into the forest 
depths under the pretence of slaying some helpless victim 
which falls an easy prey to him, but himself in reality governed 
by the irresistible impulse to be alone. We see evidence of 
this trait in the disappointed man who immediately shuts him- 
self up in a prison house of nature with himself as turnkey. 
There is evidence of it in the naturalist, in the mountaineer, in 
the very friend who frequently breaks from the social ties of 
life to wander in the open fields, to roam in the fastness of the 
forest, the loneliness of the mountain, the sublimity of the sea- 
shore. It is the vital spark of humanity. As long as its embers 
last there will be hope for the race. 

Our wild life in this country is happily gone. That more 
modern production, the cowboy, has laid aside his pi&uresque 
personality and become that more prosaic figure, a laborer. 
Even the dusky-hued warrior of the wilderness has laid down 
his bow and arrow, and complacently smokes, day by day, 
the pipe of peace. 

^fje <®lb Crotun Point Ctoab 

An Historical Address Delivered by the Hon. 
Albin S. Burbank at CavexNdish, Vt., September 
17, 1909, at the Dedication by the D. A. R. of 
a Memorial to the Memory of the Builders of 
this Great Military Highway in 1759-60. 

While not coming within the territory of New Hampshire our state 
had then and later a decided interest in the old road running from her out- 
post on the Connecticut River, Old Number Four, to those important 
defences on the shores of Lake Champlain, Fort Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point. These last places, together with Fort William Henry at Lake 
George, had been built at great expense and must be maintained in order 
for the British to hold their supremacy of the American continent against 
their allied foes, the French and Amerinds. The need of this road had 
been seen through the earlier stages of the Seven Years' War, when it had 
been found so difficult to unite with sufficient ease and celerity the forces 
of New England and the west. 

Accordingly the task, greater for its day than now seems evident, was 
begun in 1759, and two New Hampshire men, Col. John Goffe and Capt. 
John Stark, were selected to take charge of the construction of the two 
divisions of the road. The way, practically a bee-line between its objective 
points, was built on the high lands and avoided the swamps. The wisdom 
Qf its projectors was quickly shown, and it became one of the prime fac- 
tors in determining the result of the long and arduous struggle. It 
seemed like the irony of fate that this highway should prove the means 
of the downfall in this country of its military builders, in less than a score 
ot years. Without this road it is doubtful if Gen. John Stark could have 
rallied and inarched his men across the province of the Green Mountains 
in season to have made his heroic and victorious stand at Bennington in 
the darkest hour of the Revolution. 

The President of the day, Hon. Gilbert A. Davis, in his introductory 
remarks at the unveiling of the tablet at Springfield, Vt., says aptly. "The 
building of this road was na insignificant event, but an enterprise of great 
national importance. We dq well to honor it and mark its location, as 



has been done from the Connecticut River along its line up into Weathers- 
field. Unless this road had been built, perhaps George Washington, Gen- 
eral Stark, Ethan Allen, and thousands of others . . . men whom we 
justly regard as patriots and heroes, would have been classed as rebels 
and traitors; the Declaration of American Independence would have been 
regarded as a crime and a blunder." — Editor. 

/^^^HIS is historic ground and has been trodden by 
^sL-> many thousand soldiers in those early days. 
There is a tradition that the cannon captured by 
Ethan Allen at Ticonderoga were taken to Boston over 
this route, but we are unable at this late day to verify the 
legend. In order that we may better understand the 
necessity for this road (which was a great undertaking for 
those days) I shall recall some points in the early his- 
tory of the Colonies, and take up some of the important 
events connected therewith, giving prominence to Number 
Four, which was so intimately connected with the road. 

At the end of Queen Anne's War in 1713, there was 
no English settlement or lodgement on the Connecticut 
River above Greenfield, then "Green River Farms," a dis- 
trict of Deerfield. In 1714 Northfield became permanently 
established as the frontier town. During the Father Rales 
War of 1722-25, which was mainly a rising of some of the 
Indian tribes, led by the Jesuit priest and backed by the 
French governor, Vaudrieul, the outpost was advanced up 
the west side of the river above Northfield with the erec- 
tion of Fort Dummer, now Brattleboro. 

With the close of that war Fort Dummer became a 
truck house for trading with the then peaceful Indians 
coming down from Canada, and soon a slender settlement 
of traders grew up about it. This was the pioneer settle- 
ment of the upper valley of the Connecticut. It was the 
nucleus of Brattleboro, chartered and named some years 
later, the first English township in what is now Vermont. 
It remained the only upper valley settlement until about 
1740. Fort Dummer was erected by the province of Massa- 
chusetts for the protection of the northwestern frontier of 



Massachusetts and Connecticut. It was ordered to be 
garrisoned by forty able men (English) and western Mohawk 
Indians. The site of the fort is in the southeastern por- 
tion of the town of Brattieboro, still known as Dummer's 
meadows. It was built under the supervision of Col. John 
Stoddard of Northampton. Lieut. Timothy Dwight had 
immediate charge of the work and was the first commander 
of the fort. He was an ancestor of President Timothy 
Dwight of Yale. The fort was built on what was known 
as the equivalent lands, which were four parcels of unoccu- 
pied tracts along the west banks of the river between the 
present limits of Brattieboro, Dummerston and Putney, 
107,793 acres in all, which Massachusetts had transferred 
to Connecticut in settlement of colonial lines. Afterwards 
Connecticut granted them back to Massachusetts. Thirty 
years later these townships (complaining of Massachusetts 
taxation) again of their own motion shifted back to Con- 
necticut. Shortly afterward Connecticut sold them at pub- 
lic vendue and gave the proceeds to Yale College; they 
brought a little more than a farthing per acre. The pur- 
chase fell to four Massachusetts men; these were William 
Dummer, lieutenant-governor of the province, William 
Brattle of Cambridge, and Anthony Stoddard and John 
White of Boston, — hence the name of the fort for the gov- 
ernor and the town for the Cambridge man. The fort was 
a stout structure built of yellow pine and thought to be 
proof against ordinary assaults, but in October following 
its completion (1724) it was attacked by Indians and four 
or five of the garrison killed or wounded. Subsequently a 
stockade was built around it, composed of stout square 
hewn timbers twelve feet long, set upright in the ground, 
inclosing an acre and a half. This and Number Four 
erected later were the chief military outposts until the 
conquest of Canada. 

In 1740 three families from Lunenburg, Mass., began 
the east side settlement of Number Four, which later 
became Charlestown, and in 1743 a fort was erected. Capt. 



Phineas Stephens was early there, and became the hero of 
Number Four. He was a soldier of exeptional ability and 
skill, and was familiar with the methods of Indian warfare, 
having in his youth been a captive of the St. Francis tribe, 
taken with his brother at Rutland, Mass., during a raid of 
Father Rales war. Late in March, 1746, having been 
employed elsewhere, he returned with forty-nine men to 
Number Four, which was now a plantation of nine or ten 
families, to save the fort from falling into the hands of the 
enemy, and arrived just in time, for a force of French and 
Indians under Ensign de Niverville was close upon it. On 
the 19th of April and in May and June there were assaults 
by the Indians, and in July the fort was besieged for two 
days. Throughout the rest of the summer it was block- 
aded. In August the enemy destroyed all the horses, cattle, 
and hogs in the settlement, and then withdrew. Number 
Four was evacuated and lay deserted until March, 1747, 
when Captain Stevens again returned with thirty rangers. 
He found the fort uninjured and received a joyous wel- 
come from two inmates — an old spaniel and a cat left at the 
evacuation. On the 4th of April a body of trained French 
soldiers and Indian warriors appeared, variously estimated 
at from four to seven hundred; then followed the siege 
which lasted for five days. But Captain Stevens and his 
men stood firm, and although the enemy endeavored to fire 
the fort, they were unsuccessful. Finally at a parley the 
French commander promised if the men would lay down 
their arms and march out; their lives would be spared, 
otherwise he would set the fort on fire and run over the top 
of it. Assembling his men, the captain put it to vote whether 
to fight on or to capitulate. All to a man voted to stand it 
out as long as they had life. About noon of the fifth day, 
the enemy proposed if the besieged would sell them pro- 
visions they would leave and not fight any more. To this 
the captain replied he would not sell them provisions for 
money, but if they would send in a captive for every five 
bushels of corn he would supply them. Soon after a few 

th£ old crown point road 133 

guns were fired and the enemy withdrew. So ended the 
remarkable battle of 700 against 30. Of the enemy many 
were slain, but the besieged had none killed and only two 
wounded An express carried the news to Boston, and 
Captain Stevens' gallant defense won the admiration, 
expressed in the gift of an elegant sword, of Sir Charles 
Knowles of the British navy, then in Boston, whose name 
was subsequently bestowed on the settlement at Charles- 

Number Four, as the outermost post with no settle- 
ment within 40 miles of it, again bore the brunt of war 
through the troubled period of 1754 to 1760, and suffered 
many hardships. It received the first hard shock of the 
outbreak when in August, 1754, a band of Indians burst 
into the house of Capt. James Johnson, siezed the seven 
inmates and hurried them all off to Canada. The story of 
the adventures and sufferings as told in Mrs. Johnson's 
narrative is familiar to many of us. 

In 1755 the Indians came swooping down the valley 
again. About midsummer news came that 500 Indians 
were collecting in Canada to exterminate the whole white 
population on the river. The settlers were attacked at 
different times at Walpole and Bellows Falls, and twice at 
Hinsdale. While the assault at Walpole was the last by 
the Indians in force, roaming bands continued to infest the 
frontier towns till the close of the war. In the spring of 
1757, a band of French and Indians came again upon 
Charlestown, and attacking the settlers carried five to 
Canada and there sold them into slavery as usual, only two 
surviving their captivity. After the spring of 1757, Num- 
ber Four was under the jurisdiction of the king's officers. 
The fort was the rendezvous of various colonial regiments 
and a headquarters of rangers. 

In 1755 France was in possession of Canada; and the 
western shore of Lake Champlain, with Fort Carrillon at 
Ticonderoga and Fort Frederick at Crown Point, Were also 
garrisoned by 200 French regulars, 700 Canadians and 600 


Indians; the French also had settlements in Louisiana. 
The English occupied the country south of Canada and 
west to the Ohio river; Boston was the headquarters and 
seat of the provincial government for the Massachusetts 
colonies. England and France, aside from European com- 
plications, had cause enough for war on this continent, 
France having colonized Canada and Louisiana while Eng- 
land had established colonies in between, which separated 
the French settlements. To connect the latter, and to 
exclude England from the great fur trade of the interior, 
France began to erect a series of military posts from the 
Niagara river to the mouth of the Mississippi. This action 
was naturally resented by the English and her American 
colonists, and in 1755 the conflict began by an attack on 
the French forts in the Ohio valley. George Washington 
himself fired the first hostile shot in this, the French and 
Indian War, at a place about forty miles from where the 
city of Pittsburg, Pa., now stands, and the fight was on 
between the French and English to see which should have 
supremacy on this continent. The French enlisted some 
of the Indian tribes as allies through the influence of the 
Jesuit priests, and practised many barbarities. They gave 
the Indians a bounty on the captives they brought in alive, 
and sold them as slaves to the French residents of Mon- 
treal and vicinity. In some cases the captives were held 
for ransom, and sometimes when the price came it was 
held and the prisoners not liberated. The war had been 
continued from 1755 to 1758, the campaign for the latter 
year had been very successful for the English, and their 
power was steadily waxing as that of the French waned. 
Several leading tribes of Indians joined the Six Nations in 
treaties of neutrality with the English. Gen. Jeffrey 
Amherst, a brilliant and effective officer, had succeeded to 
the command of the English forces, displacing the incom- 
petent Lord Loudon. In the early summer of 1759 three 
great campaigns were arranged by the English, by one of 
which General Amherst was to proceed against Ticonderoga 


and Crown Point and invade Canada by the northern route. 
He accordingly advanced against Ticonderoga, when the 
French destroyed the fort and retreated to Fort Frederick 
at Crown Point. Amherst followed and the French fled to 
an island in the northern part of Lake Champlain. Thus 
the whole country around Lake Champlain fell into the 
hands of the English. 

This brings us to the time of building this road. Gen- 
eral Amherst wanted men and supplies for his advance 
upon Montreal. Number Four was the rendezvous for 
troops enlisted in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and 
the road was necessary. The then unoccupied territory 
north of the Massachusett line and between the Connecti- 
cut and Hudson rivers was constantly crossed and recrossed 
by armed parties of whites and marauding Indians. It 
was a vast unguarded frontier, unsafe and liable at any 
time to be overrun by savage foes, for which reason what 
is now Vermont was not sooner settled and occupied by 
the whites. 

In January, 1727-1728, the general court of Boston 
authorized an exploration of the country between the 
northern frontiers and Canada. One party was to discover 
that part lying between the Connecticut river and Lake 
Champlain. Later traders had explored by the old Indian 
trail by way of what is now Springfield, Weathersfield, 
Cavendish, Ludlow and Plymouth, thence across the moun- 
tains by Otter Creek to Lake Champlain. This was the 
route usually taken by Indians coming down to the truck 
house at Fort Dummer. 

The diary of a journey made in 1730, by a trader, 
James Cross of Deerfield, describing the course of the trail 
and the country about it, was laid before the government. 
The journal read as follows: 

^Monday ye 27th April, 1730. At about 12 of ye clocke we left 
Fort Dummer and travailed that day three miles and lay down that night 
by West River which is distant 3 miles from Fort Dummer. Notabene, 
I travailed with 12 Canada Mohawks that drank to great excess at ye fort 



and killed a Skatacook Indian in their drunken condition that came to 
smoke with them. 

Tuesday. We travailed upon the great river (Connecticut) about ten 
miles. We kept ye same course upon ye Great River, traveled about 10 
miles and eat a drowned Buck that night. We travailed upon ye Great 
River within 2 miles of ye Great Falls (Bellows Falls) in said River then 
went upon land to ye Black River above Great Falls. Went up that 
river and lodged about a mile and a half from the mouth of Black River 
which days travel we judged was about 10 miles. 

Friday. We cross Black River at Falls (now Springfield Village) 
afterwards through ye woods Nor-Northwest. Then cross Black River 
again about 17 miles above our first crossing. Afterwards travel ye same 
course and pitched our tents on ye homeward side of Black River. 

Saturday. We crossed Black River and left a great mountain on ye 
right hand and another on ye left (Ludlow). Keep a N. W. Course till 
we pitch our tent after n miles travail by a brook which we called a 
branch of Black River. 

Sabbath Day. We travailed to Black River at ye 3 islands between 
which and a large pond we past ye Black River and enter a mountain (in 
Plymouth) that afforded us a prospect of ye place of Fort Dummer. 
Soon after we enter a descending country and travail till we reach Arthur 
Creek (Otter Creek) in a descending land. In this days travail which is 
31 miles we came upon 7 brooks which ran a S. W. Course at ye north 
end of said mountain; from Black River to Arthur Creek we judged it 
is 25 miles. 

Monday. Made Canoes. 

Tuesday. Hindered travailing by rain. We go in our canoes upon 
Arthur Creek till we meet 2 great falls (probably Centre Rutland and Proc- 
tor) said river is very black and deep and surrounded with good land to ye 
extremity of our prospect. This days travail 35 miles. 

Thursday. We sail 40 miles on Arthur Creek. We meet with great 
falls (Middlebury) and a little above them we meet two other pretty large 
falls (at Weybridge) and about 10 miles we. meet other large falls (prob- 
ably Vergennes). We carried our canoe by these falls and came to ye 

The following resolution was passed by the House of 
Representatives of Massachusetts on the 10th day of 
March, 1756: "Whereas, it is of great importance that a 
thorough knowledge be had of the distance and practica- 


oility of a communication between Number Four, on the 
Connecticut River and Crown Point, and that the course 
down the Otter Creek shall be known, therefore; Voted 
that his Excellency, the Governor, be and he is hereby 
desired, as soon as may be, to appoint fourteen men upon the 
service; seven of them to go from said Number Four, direct 
course, to Crown Point to measure the distance and gain 
what knowledge they can of the country, and the other 
seven to go from Number Four to Otter Creek, aforesaid, 
and down said Creek to Lake Champlain, observing the 
true course of said Creek, its depth of water, what falls 
there are in it and also the soil on each side thereof and 
what growth of wood are near it. Each party of said men 
to keep a journal of their proceedings and observations 
and lay the same, on their return, before this court. They 
to observe all such directions as they may require from his 

"One man in each party is to be a skillful surveyor and 
the persons allowance made them by the court for their 

Col. Israel Williams of Hatfield was particularly 
charged with this duty. It was also proposed to build a 
strong fort on the height of land between Black River and 
Otter Creek. A military post was therefore deemed impor- 
tant, as it would furnish an opportunity to prevent the 
advance of the enemy from Lake Champlain, facilitate 
operations against Crown Point, and afford a safe retreat 
forscouting parties from the Connecticut River. 

In the following summer Lord Loudon took similer 
steps for a military road from the Connecticut, and obtained 
from Colonel Williams a topographical sketch of the coun- 
try and reports from the scouting officers, but owing to the 
number of hostile Indians infesting the region, no further 
attempt was made at that time to build either the fort or 
the road. 

In the spring of 1759, Capt. John Stark, having 
enlisted a new company, returned to Fort Edward and was 


present under General Amherst at the reduction of Fort 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point. After the surrender of 
Fort Frederick he was ordered by the general with a force 
of 200 rangers to construct a road through the wilderness 
from Crown Point to Number Four on the Connecticut. 
A good wagon road was built from Crown Point to Otter 
Creek and Colonel Hawks cut a bridle path thence over 
the mountains, but for some reason did not complete the 
work. The road commenced at Chimney Point, a short 
distance from Crown Point, in what is now the town of 
Addison. An older branch of this road and the only one 
traveled prior to 1759 (probably an old Indian trail) passed 
through Centre Rutland northerly to what is now Proctor, 
following nearly the west Proctor road and the present road 
in Pittsford west of the Otter Creek, crossing the Hubbard- 
ton road, from Pittsford railroad station about a mile west 
of the present West Creek road, continuing northerly to 
Breese's mills, thence to Crown Point. 

The eastern end of the road, between Number Four 
and the mountains, was built in the summer of 1760, one 
hundred and forty-nine years ago. The work was done 
by Col. John Goffe and his renewed regiment of eight hun- 
dred New Hampshire men. They had first opened a road 
from the Merrimack River towards the Connecticut, clear- 
ing a mere bridle path as far as Keene, N. H., and arrived 
at Number Four in June. Crossing the river, they first 
built a block house close by the ferry landing and enclosed 
it in palisades as a protection in case of trouble. They 
were 44 or 45 days in cutting the road to the mountains 
where it hit the bridle path cut by Colonel Hawks the year 
previous. At every mile they set up a post, and twenty- 
six of these posts had been placed when the mountains 
were reached. Their baggage was carried on ox-teams as 
far as the mountains, then pack horses were used. Such 
was the speed with which the work was dispatched that 
Colonel Goffe's regiment was able to participate in the 
final expedition against Montreal in September, 1760. 


While on this work an epidemic broke out among the 
soldiers employed, and several died; their bodies were 
buried at a spot east of the line of the road, in Springfield, 
The block house at the river, the land adjoining, and two 
of the king's boats used as a ferry, were given by General 
Amherst to Luxford Goodwin in payment for carrying a 
packet to General Murray at Quebec, All but a small part 
of the road through Springfield was discontinued as early 
as 1826, 

The road was built from a point on the river not far 
from where the Cheshire bridge is now located, just skirt- 
ing the southern point of Skitchewaug mountain running 
north by west through Springfield. 

Many provincial leaders who took part in the French 
and English war on the English side afterwards became 
famous in the war of the Revolution on the American side, 
notably George Washington, Israel Putnam, John Stark 
and John Hawks; Benjamin Franklin was also major of 
militia under the king, but found military life not to his 
taste and resigned. 

Cfce <Oxen 

Shoulder to shoulder all day long 

The oxen labor across the field, 
The pace is slow, but the plow is strong, 

And stubble and tussock yield. 
The plowman halts as the sun goes down, 

And leaves his plow near the furrowed loam, 
Then slowly over the meadow brown. 

He follows the oxen home. 

Side by side in their stanchions there 

The oxen stand at the close of day, 
Happy are they and free from care, 

Eating their evening hay, 
They have borne the yoke from sun to sun, 

Shoulder to shoulder in true accord. 
And now they reap, when the day is done, 

The laborer's just reward. 

4£arty aMorfc 

An Incident of Pioneer Days 
By Rev. Grant Powers 

'HE Town of Orford, N. H., was first settled by 
Daniel Cross and wife in June, 1765. 

John Mann, Esq., and wife, whose maiden name 
was Lydia Porter, both of Hebron, Conn., came into 
Orford in the following autumn. They left Hebron on the 
16th of October, and arrived in Orford on the 24th of the 
same month. They both mounted the same horse, accord- 
ing to Puritan custom, and rode to Charlestown, N. H., 
nearly one hundred and fifty miles. Here Mann purchased 
a bushel of oats for his horse, and some bread and cheese 
for himself and wife, and set forward — Mann on foot; wife, 
oats, bread and cheese, and some clothing, on horseback. 

From Charlestown to Orford there was no road but a 
horse-track, and this was frequently hedged across by fallen 
trees; and when they came to such an obstruction, which 
could not be passed around, Mann, who was of a gigantic 
stature, would step up, take the young bride, and set her 
upon the ground; then the oats, bread and cheese; and 
lastly, the old mare was made to leap the windfall; when 
all was reshipped, and the voyage resumed. This was 
acted over time and again, until the old beast became impa- 
tient of delay, and coming to a similar obstruction, while 
Mann was some rods in the rear, she pressed forward, and 
leaped the trunk of a large tree, resisting all the force her 
young rider could exert; and when Mann came up, which 
he did in a trice, there lay the bride upon the ground with 
all the baggage resting upon her. The old creature, how- 
ever, had the civility not to desert them in this predic- 



ament, and, as no bones were broken and no joints dislo- 
cated, they soon resumed their journey; Mann, for the rest 
of the way, constituted the van instead of the rear guard. 

When they arrived in Orford, they very naturally made 
Daniel Cross' tent their first resting place. They were 
received with all that cordiality and hospitality which char- 
acterize those who are separated from all friends and are 
enclosed by the solitude of a vast wilderness. Cross had 
reared a shelter for his cow adjoining his own tent, and for 
that night the cow was ejected and Cross and his wife 
occupied her apartment, while Mann and his wife improved 
the parlor. But they were doomed to a sad adventure that 
night. Cross had felled a large tree, the butt end of which 
constituted no inconsiderable portion of one side of his 
house. Into this log he had bored two holes, about four 
feet apart, and sharpening two sappling poles, he had 
driven them horizontally into the log, to form the two sides 
of a bedstead. The other ends of the poles were supported 
by two perpendicular posts, in the manner of ordinary 
bedsteads. Elm bark served for cord and sacking. This 
rigging was adequate to sustain Cross and his companion, 
a light couple; but when Mann and his partner came into 
possession, it was quite another affair. Soon after all had 
retired to rest, this frail fabric of a bedstead suddenly 
gave way with a carsh, which frightened the tenants of 
both apartments prodigiously. Mrs. Mann screamed, and 
this was suddenly responded to from Cross' apartment, 
"What is the matter?" But after mutual explanations and 
apologies, Mann and his wife resumed a recumbent position 
on the floor, and enjoyed a refreshing sleep, with the excep- 
tion of an occasional interruption from a sudden burst of 
laughter from the cow apartment. 

As Mann came on from Charlestown, he found in the 
town of Claremont two openings by young men of the 
name of Dorchester. In Cornish there was but one fam- 
ily, that of Moses Chase. In Plainfield there was one 
family, Francis Smith. The wife was "terribly" homesick, 


and declared she "would not stay there in the woods." In 
Lebanon, there were three families, Charles Hill, son and 
son-in-law, a Mr. Pinnick. In Hanover there was one fam- 
ily, Col. Edmund Freeman, and several young men, who 
were making settlements. In Lyme, there were three 
families, all by the name ot Sloan — John, William and 

Joe t. Potter 

CjT|OE H. POTTER was born in Portsmouth, N. H., 
jf June 22, 1833, and died in Hillsboro, January 19, 
<^Pi 1904, barely outliving his threescore and ten years. 
He was one of twins — the other, a sister, living but three 
weeks — born to Clara A. and the Hon. Chandler E. Potter, 
and was the oldest of three sons, his brothers bearing the 
names of Treat and Drown. 

He passed his early boyhood in the seaport city, 
his parents moving to Manchester when he was ten 
years old, where he attended the public schools, end- 
ing his school education with a course at Pinker- 
ton Academy in Derry. At fourteen he went to work 
in his father's printing office, where he remained for 
several years, assisting in the publication of the Manches- 
ter Democrat and setting type, with his brother Treat, 
upon his father's "History of Manchester." In fact, it is 
claimed that Judge Potter wrote his well-known history to 
afford work for "the boys," when the lack of other work 
allowed them leisure. The "Judge," as he was familiarly 
called, was noted for his easy going ways, and so the copy 
on the history did not accumulate much ahead of the 
young compositors. Realizing their father's weakness, as 


well as he did theirs for going fishing, it was their delight 
to suddenly demand more "copy" whenever he was settled 
down for an hour of rest in the office. Thereupon the 
vexed historian would seize his quill and hastily scribble off 
page after page of matter, until he had met the demands 
of his tormentors. This erratic manner of writing it 
accounts in a large measure for the irregular construction 
of what under proper methods must have been a very 
meritorious history. 

In 1859 Mr. Potter married Miss Olivia Smalley of 
Gardner, Me., and two years later the couple moved from 
Manchester to Saginaw, Mich., where he first engaged in 
the grocery business with his brother Drown, and when 
the latter went into the army, where he was killed a year 
later, he returned to his old trade of compositor. 

In 1862, a few months after the birth of their only 
child, Clara Frances Potter, he and his family returned 
east to settle on the old Pierce homestead at Hillsboro 
Lower Village. Engaged in farm work for a year, he then, 
in May, 1863, purchased the plant of the Weekly News, 
the first paper established in Hillsboro, which he published 
for four years, besides conducting a job printing depart- 

In 1867, he sold out the News and started the publica- 
tion of the Hillsboro Messenger. Retiring from this after 
a few years, he filled the position of depot master of the 
Hillsboro Bridge station of the Contoocook River Railroad, 
under its different managements. He served faithfully in 
that position for ten years, when poor health obliged him 
to resign. A severe cold had resulted in asthma, from 
which he was a great sufferer during his last four years. 
When able to do so, he worked at the case until he was 
obliged to give up. 

Mr. Potter was a well-read man, especially in histor- 
ical matters, being very conversant upon affairs in his 
adopted town, and also of Manchester. Politically, he was 
a Democrat of the old school. He never held or sought 


public office. He was a member of the Old Residents* 
Association and of the Manchester Historic Association, 
being deeply interested in both. He had his father's 
library, which he finally sold to Mr. G. Waldo Browne. 

In former years, Mr. Potter belonged to the Amos- 
keag Veterans of Manchester, and accompanied them on 
their celebrated trip to Washington, in 1855. He was at 
one time a member of the old Hiilsboro Cornet Band and 
was very proficient in his musical entertainments. 

In Mr. Potter's death is removed the last lineal 
representative of his family name, His daughter, who 
was an accomplished teacher, died April 3, 1888, and he 
never fully recovered from the blow of her loss. His 
widow survived him by about three years. The three 
sleep in the family plot in Deering cemetery. 

By Francis E. Falkenbury 

There is a good road leading down, 

An old brown road from a good old town; 
Shaded and shadowed by restful trees, 
That softly talk to the fresh young breeze: 

And sometime when my heart is sad, 
And all the city looks old and gray, 

I shall leave the work which drives one mad, 
And take that good road leading away, 
And follow it on through the ripening day, 

Until my soul comes back to me — 

My soul which is fettered here and bound 
As to iron wheels by the city's sound — 

All straight and smooth and free. 

<J3eneral 3o^epfj Ctllep 


By John Scales, A. B., A M. 


BRIEF of the battle may better show just what 
Colonel Cilley did with his regiment, At n 
o'clock a. m., the booming of cannon in Burgoyne's 
army gave the signal that he was about to advance on the 
American lines. At noon General Arnold gave the order, 
by permission of General Gates, to Col. Daniel Morgan, 
commander of the famous regiment of riflemen, and to 
Colonels Cilley, Dearborn and Scammell of the New 
Hampshire regiments, to attackthe Canadians and Indians, 
who were swarming on the hills in advance of Burgoyne's 
right. These were driven back and pursued. Morgan's 
riflemen became scattered, were recalled, and with the 
New England troops under Cilley, Dearborn and Scam- 
mell, another furious charge was made. After a sharp 
engagement in which Morgan's horse was shot under him, 
the combatants withdrew to their respective lines. Mean- 
while Burgoyne had moved rapidly upon the American 
center and left. At the same time the vigilant Arnold 
attempted to turn the British right. Masked by thick 
woods, neither party was now certain of the movements 
of the other and they suddenly and unexpectedly met in 
a ravine at Freeman's Farm, at which Burgoyne had 
halted. There the battle raged desperately for awhile. 
Arnold was pressed back, when Fraser, by a quick move- 
ment, called up some German troops from the British cen- 
ter to his aid. Arnold rallied his men, and with New Eng- 
land troops led by Colonels Cilley, Dearborn, Scammell 



and others, struck the enemy with such heavy blows that 
his lines besran to waver and fall into confusion. The Brit- 
ish received re-enforcements and the battle continued. 
The British ranks were becoming fearfully thinned, when 
Riedesel fell heavily upon the American flank with infantry 
and artillery and they gave way. A lull in the battle suc- 
ceeded, but at the middle of the afternoon the contest was 
renewed with greater fury. At length the British, fear- 
fully assailed by bullet and bayonet, recoiled and fell back. 
It was there that General Arnold was in the battle against 
General Gates's orders, and the victory was saved for the 
American army. For three hours the battle raged. Like 
an ocean tide the warriors surged backward and forward, 
winning and losing victory alternately. Night closed the 
contest and both armies rested on their arms until morn- 
ing, when both withdrew to their own lines. That ended 
the battle at Bemis's Heights. 

The Battle at Stillwater, two miles away, followed on 
October 7, of which Lieutenent Blake says in his Journal: 

"A detachment of the enemy marched upon the left 
of our army, consisting of the grenadiers and light infan- 
try, with six field pieces and posted themselves on a small 
height in a cleared field, about a quarter of a mile from our 
advance guard, where they began a cannonade upon the 
riflemen, and the three New Hampshire regiments were 
ordered out to attack them, and after a very warm dispute 
of about half an hour, the enemy were obliged to quit the 
field and retreat to their works, which they did in great con- 
fusion, their horses being chiefly killed, and were obliged 
to leave their field pieces which fell into our hands, together 
with about 50 prisoners, and our army followed hard after 
them, and coming on the lines where the German were 
stationed, forced them and took a number of prisoners, two 
field pieces and several waggons loaded with ammunition 
and baggage and by the time we had what we had taken at 
the line it was almost dark and the troops that had been in 
action were relieved by fresh troops from our encampment, 


who tarried at the lines we had taken all night, the British 
lying about a hundred rods distant. The next day the 
enemy moved their baggage and artillery back from their 
front lines, and in the night marched their whole army to 
Saratoga, leaving their sick and wounded in some large 
hospital tents, with several surgeons to attend them." 

From full reports of the battle it appears that on 
October 7, 1777, the whole British army moved from their 
quarters at Saratoga, towards the left wing of the Amer- 
ican army, where Colonel Cilley was. Burgoyne pressed 
with 1,500 picked men, eight brass cannon, and two how- 
itzers, leaving his main army on the heights, in command 
of Brigadiers Sprecht and Hamilton, and the redoubts 
near the river with Brigadier-General Hall. This move- 
ment was discerned before the British were ready for 
battle. The drums of the American advance guard beat 
to arms. The alarm ran all along the lines. General 
Gates inquired the cause of the alarm, and then ordered 
Colonel Morgan, with his sharpshooting riflemen to "begin 
the game." 

Morgan soon gained a good position on the British 
right, while General Poor with his New Hampshire brigade, 
followed by General Ten Broeck with New Yorkers 
advanced against their left. It was between three and four 
o'clock in the afternoon when General Poor and those with 
him astonished General Burgoyne, as he was about to 
advance, by thunder of cannon on his left, and the crack 
of rifles on his right. Poor had pressed up the thick 
wooded slope unobserved on which the British forces 
under command of Majors Acland and Williams were 
posted. The British did not observe the New Hampshire 
troops until they were near the batteries, which were cap- 
tured after a struggle, in which the leader of the British 
grenadiers was severely wounded, and Major Williams of 
the artillery was made prisoner. Five times one of the 
cannon was taken and retaken. When the British fell 
back, and the gun remained with the Americans, Colonel 



Cilley leaped upon it, waved his sword over his head, dedi- 
cated the piece to the "American Cause," and, turning it 
upon the foe, he opened its destructive energy upon the 
enemy with, their own ammunition, amid an avalanche of 
applause from the New Hampshire brigade, and others 
who saw the act. 

Sir Francis Clarke, Burgoyne's chief aide, who was 
sent to secure the cannon, was mortally wounded by it and 
made prisoner, and was sent to Gates's tent. The whole 
eight cannon and the possession of the field remained with 
the Americans. That was Colonel Cilley's part in that 
remarkable battle which caused the surrender of Bur- 
goyne's whole army ten days later, October 17, at Saratoga, 
at which Colonel Cilley took a conspicuous part. 

That was the end of Colonel Cilley's military cam- 
paign of 1777. He went south with his regiment by slow 
marches, and finally went into camp at Valley Forge, 
December 23, 1777. 


On November 21, 1777, Colonel Cilley marched his 
regiment, in General Sullivan's brigade, to Whitemarsh, a 
beautiful valley about 13 miles from Independence Hall in 
Philadelphia, and there he joined the main army under 
command of General Washington. December 5, early in 
the morning, he had information that the greater part of 
the British army was leaving Philadelphia to meet Wash- 
ington's army; upon receiving this news, Colonel Cilley, 
with the rest of the brigade, had his regiment strike their 
tents and load them into wagons, together with their bag- 
gage, and moved off, and the army paraded. In the after- 
noon the enemy appeared on an eminence in front of them, 
but at a distance of three miles, where they remained all 
night, and Washington's army held its position, awaiting 
and expecting to be attacked. December 6, the British 
marched towards the left of the American army, but made 
no attack, while Washington's army remained under arms 


all day. On the 7th a few shots were exchanged but no 
battle. On the 8th the American army remained quietly 
under arms all day and night, up to 2 o'clock on the morn- 
ing of the 9th, when the rifle regiment and three brigades 
marched out in order to attack the enemy on their own 
grounds at daybreak; when the British saw them coming 
prepared for battle they moved off towards Philadelphia. 

On the morning of December 1 1, about an hour before 
day, Colonel Cilley, with others, received orders to prepare 
his regiment for a march, about daybreak, to meet a party 
of the enemy who were foraging on the other side of the 
Schuylkill river. They marched about ten miles and came 
to a bridge; two brigades crossed; the rest were following, 
but the enemy met them and took possession of the 
heights in front, and of each side of the road leading from 
the bridge; this move compelled our army to retreat over 
the river again, and there halted, so that neither army 
dared to attempt to cross the river. Colonel Cilley kept 
his regiment there until almost night, when he, with a part 
of the army, marched up the river to Sweed's ford, two 
miles, to prevent the enemy from crossing at that place. 
While there, on the 12th, about sunset, some of the Amer- 
ican horsemen brought into camp two Hessians they had 
taken, who gave intelligence that there were about 4,000 of 
the enemy over the Schuylkill after forage; General Sulli- 
van, who was in command of the brigade of which Cilley's 
regiment was a part, immediately crossed the river and 
marched in pursuit of the enemy; on reaching the Gulph 
mills he learned that the enemy had returned to Phili- 
delphia with their plunder. General Sullivan and his 
brigade remained there until December 16, when the whole 
army marched to Valley Forge and proceeded to encamp 
for the winter. 

When all had reached there, the grounds were staked 
out on the 23d for the army to build log huts in which to 
pass the winter; there were about 11,000 men to be pro- 
vided for, which work required about a week to get the vil- 


lage in order; the huts were built of round logs and most 
of them were covered with straw and earth; they 
were in two lines, extending from the Schuylkill river 
about a mile and a half. This locality is about 22 miles 
from Independence Hall. In the beginning of February 
each brigade was ordered to build a breastwork in front of 
their own huts, which was done in a few days. The whole 
army lay there, except two brigades at Washington, down 
the Delaware river, and also about three hundred men at 
Reednar, 7 miles from camp; and 200 at Gulph Mills, about 
the same distance; each of these two last-named parties 
was relieved every week. There were likewise guards kept 
about one mile distant from camp, which formed a chain of 
sentinels around the whole encampment; these were 
relieved daily. The army lay in this posture during the 
winter and until May, 1778. No attack was made on 
them; but it was an awful winter which Colonel Cilley and 
his men had to endure. 

That place was chosen because it was farther from the 
dangers of sudden attack from the enemy, and also it 
could more easily afford protection for the Congress sitting 
at York, having been driven out at Philadelphia, which was 
then occupied by the British army. Bloodstains made by 
the lacerated feet of its poorly shod soldiers, marked the 
line of their march to Valley Forge. In the camp they 
suffered with cold and often had very short rations, for 
food was as scarce as their clothing was poor. 

The British, under General Howe, had full possession 
of Philadelphia and of the Delaware river below, and 
Pennsylvania was divided among its people, and in its 
Legislature, by political factions. General uneasiness pre- 
vailed; and when Washington sought refuge at Valley 
Forge, the Pennsylvania Legislature adopted a remon- 
strance against the measure. To this cruel missive Wash- 
ington replied, after censuring the quartermaster-general 
(Mifflin), a Pennsylvanian, for neglect of duty in not sup- 
plying the soldiers with proper food and clothing, he says: 


"For the want of a two-days supply of provisions, an 
opportunity scarcely ever offered of taking an advantage of 
the enemy, that has not been either totally obstructed or 
greatly impeded. Men are confined in hospitals or in 
farmers' houses for want of shoes. We have this day 
(Dec. 23) no less than 2,873 men in camp unfit for duty 
because they are barefooted and otherwise naked. Our 
whole strength in continental troops amounts to no more 
than 8,200 in camp fit for duty. Since the 4th inst. our 
numbers fit for duty, from hardships and exposures, have 
decreased nearly 2,000 men. Numbers are still obliged to sit 
all night by their campfires to keep from freezing. Gentle- 
men reprobates going into winter quarters as much as if 
they thought the soldiers were made of sticks or stones. 
I can assure those gentlemen that it is a much easier and 
less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfort- 
able room, by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak 
hill, and sleep under frost and snow without clothes or 
blankets. However, although they seem to have little 
feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel super- 
abundantly for them; and from my soul I pity those mis- 
eries which is neither in my power to relieve, or prevent." 

That is what General Washington said, and thus we 
have the picture of the scenes and conditions which Col- 
onel Cilley and his soldiers had to endure until the warm 
weather of spring. On May 6 a great rejoicing prevailed 
in the camp on account of the news of the alliance of 
France. Washington ordered all the prisoners to be 
released that were then in confinement in the Continental 
Army. The whole army was drawn up in two lines and 
fired a volley, from right to left of the front, and then 
from left to right of the rear lines; which was repeated 
three times. It was a great day of rejoicing, especially for 
Colonel Cilley's regiment whose men had suffered severely 
from sickness, but had now largely recovered. 

In the battle of Monmouth which followed on June 
28, Colonel Cilley's regiment was closely engaged and he 


and his men behaved with such bravery as to merit the par- 
ticular approbation of the illustrious Washington after the 
battle was over and the treachery of Gen. Charles Lee was 
thwarted, he having ordered a retreat when an advance 
should have been made against General Howe's Army, 
which was on its march from Philadelphia to New York. 
It was when Washington met Lee on that retreat that the 
illustrious commander showed his temper at its white heat 
and bestowed on the traitorous commander some righteous 
oaths, as became the occasion. No doubt Colonel Cilley 
applauded as Washington swore. 

Lieutenant Thomas Blake says in his Journal of that 
period: "June 18 . . .At 4 o'clock in the afternoon Gen. 
Lee's division marched, consisting of Gen. Poor's, Varnum's 
and Huntington's brigades three miles over Schuylkill 
bridge and encamped." — "June 19, . . . Marched iSmiles." 
— "June 20, . . . At 12 o'clock we came to the Delaware 
river, and crossed at Carrell's ferry; marched 3 miles and 
encamped in Amwell." — "June 21, . . . Gen. Lee's division 
lay still, and Gen. Washington crossed the river (Delaware) 
and another division of the army." — "June 22. . . . The 
whole army crossed the river and encamped in Amwell, 
excepting a party (under Gen. Arnold) that marched to 
take possession of Philadelphia, from which Howe's army 
had departed." "June 23, . . . The whole army marched 
down towards the enemy, leaving the tents and baggage, 
as far as Hopewell township, and halted; but Col. Morgan 
with his regiment q( riflemen and a detachment under his 
command, marched toward the enemy." 

"June 24. . . . The army lay still; the tents came up 
and were pitched; a detachment went forward under Gen. 

"June 25 . . . March to Kingston, and another detach- 
ment went forward under command of Marquis Dela- 

"June 26 . . . Marched to Cranberry Town and Gen. 
Lee went forward with two brigades." 


"June 27. . . . Marched to Cranberry meadows." 
"June 28. . . . Marched to English town and there 
left our packs and coats, the weather being very warm, 
and proceeded as fast as possible in pursuit of the enemy, 
who were then near Monmouth Court House. The for- 
ward detachment had attacked the enemy, and Gen. Wash- 
ington met them on the retreat, about one and a half miles 
from the Court House. Our artillery set in very briskly, 
causing a heavy cannonade on both sides, holding for some 
time until the enemy retreated. Our army pursued about 
a mile, and then left them. The enemy encamped that 
night near the Court House; and in the night moved off, 
leaving all their wounded that were not able to march, 
numbering about 60, of whom were five commissioned 

"June 29, . . . Two brigades marched down to the 
Court House, as a covering party while they buried the 
dead. The number of those buried were about three hun- 
dred, that of ours sixty. After the dead were buried the 
whole army marched back to Englishtown." 
"June 30. . . . Lay still at Englishtown." 
"July 1, . . . The whole army marched to Spotwod, 
the weather being so excessively hot, the road for the 
most part being through Pitch pine plain, that near one 
third of the men were so overcome that they were obliged 
to stop, many were not able to march until the cool of the 
evening, and some were so overcome that they were obliged 
to be conveyed in wagons." 

This was the end of Colonel Cilley's regiment's con- 
flict with the enemy in 1778. By various routes they 
marched from time to time, through New Jersey, New 
York and Connecticut, to Redding in that State, where 
they arrived December 2, built huts, went into camp and 
spent the winter comfortably and quietly. For a while in 
November General Poor's brigade, of which Colonel Cil- 
ley's regiment was a part, had charge of German troops 
that were captured with General Burgoyne, they being on 


their way to Virginia. Colonel Cilley's next campaign 
began in May, 1779. 


Colonel Cilley's regiment remained in camp at Red- 
ding, Conn., from December 4, 1778, until the 10th of 
April, 1779, and then marched to the high lands on North 
River, where they went into huts and remained until May 
9, when they broke camp and marched to Easton, Penn. 
Arriving here on the 18th, they took quarters in the Court 
House and other spare buildings. On the 19th General 
Sullivan arrived and took command of the Western army, 
which had been aasembled there. The time from that 
date to the 29th of May was spent in getting things in 
order for the difficult march against the Indians. On the 
28th they marched 12 miles to Wyoming; on the 29th they 
marched 15 miles to Pocono Point; on the 30th they went 
10 miles to Tuckhannock; on the 31st they marched six- 
miles to Locust Hill, where Colonel Cilley's regiment came 
up with Colonel Courtland and Colonel Spencer's regi- 
ments, who were cutting a road through to W r yoming. 
They pitched their tents and went to work with those regi- 
ments cutting trees and making corduroy paths where 
necessary. They worked on this road building until June 
7, when they moved their tents forward eight miles; June 
9 they moved the tents forward two miles and encamped 
June 11 they moved their tents forward five miles to Bul- 
lock's house, where the tents remained three days. On 
the 14th they marched seven miles to Wyoming, having 
made the distance of 65 miles through the forests from 
Easton. On June 17th Colonels Cilley's, Courtland's and 
Spencer's regiments marched up the river to Jacob's 
Plains, four miles and encamped and remained so until 
June 23, when General Sullivan arrived with five regiments. 
On July 4, Colonels Cilley's and Courtland's regiments 
crossed the river and marched down two miles towards 


Wyoming and encamped with the rest of General Poor's 

On July 5 General Poor made an entertainment for 
the officers of his brigade in honor of the Declaration of 
Independence, and after dinner the following toasts were 
drunk, and appropriate responses were made by various 
officers: I. The United States. 2. July 4, 1776, the 
memorable. 3. The grand council of America. 4. Gen- 
eral Washington and the Army. 5. The King and 
Queen of France. 6. General Sullivan and the Western 
expedition. 7. May the Councillors of America be wise, 
and their soldiers invincible. 8. A successful and deci- 
sive campaign. 9. Civilization or death to all savages. 
10. The immortal memory of those heroes who have fallen 
in defense of American liberty. 1 1. May the husbandman's 
cottage be blessed with peace, and his fields with plenty. 
12. Vigor and virtue to all the sons and daughters of 
America. 13. May the New World be the last asylum of 
freedom and the arts. Among the speakers who responded 
to the sentiments were General Sullivan and Colonel Cil- 
ley. This is the first recorded celebration of the 4th of 

On July 2^ General Poor's Brigade, of which Cilley's 
regiment was a part, marched down to Wyoming and 
encamped with the rest of the army. Four days were 
spent there in getting ready to begin the march up the 
river, and on the 31st they marched ten miles to Lacawa- 
neck. August 1, they marched seven miles to Ouiluta- 
mack and met with so much difficulty in passing some 
large mountains that ran down to the river, that the rear 
of the army did not come up with the advance until the 
next morning, for which reason General Poor's brigade 
remained in camp there a second day; then they contin- 
ued on their journey about 12 miles a day, till Augustn, 
when they forded the river and marched to Tioga Point, 
five miles and there encamped on the point between the 
Seneca and Tioga branches. Now they had reached the 



Indian country and began to put everything in order for a 
fight. They had cut a road through the forests about 175 
miles from Easton, Penn., a very difficult and wearisome 

General Sullivan gave orders, toward night of August 
12 for the army to march. Poor's regiment left Tioga just 
after sunset, with one day's provisions, leaving their tents 
standing, with the baggage in them; a few men were left 
on guard who were least able to work. Cilley's regiment, 
with Poor's brigade, marched all night; it was very dark and 
the travelling was very difficult. Just at day break, on the 
morning of August 13, they reached Chemung, a small 
Indian village, 14 miles from Tioga; the Indians became 
alarmed and ran away before the army could surround the 
settlement and capture them by surprise, as General Sulli- 
van had planned should be done. They had previously 
removed all of their women and children, leaving only 
about fifty of their warriors as a guard, under command of 
Butler, the Tory leader and Brant the head man of the 
Five Nation's Warriors. The Indians had large fields of 
green corn about there, and Colonel Cilley's men with the 
others, gathered a lot of the ears for roasting purposes, as 
they were quite hungry, after their hard march all night. 
While they were picking off the ears the Indians, in 
ambush, attacked them, and killed one or two men and 
wounded several more. Colonel Cilley promptly rallied 
his men and rushed for the enemy, who fled in great haste. 
The army then set to work and burned all the buildings in 
the village, about twenty, and destroyed all of the cornfields 
and other garden stuff, cutting and throwing it into heaps. 
In the afternoon they marched back to Tioga, having 
accomplished a very fatiguing amount of work in twenty- 
four hours, without sleep. They had destroyed a large 
amount of property, but so far as Colonel Cilley observed 
his men had killed only one Indian and one Tory. 

At Tioga they rested three days, waiting for General 
Clinton's troops from Cherry Valley. August 15 a party 


of Indians came down to the south side of the river, oppo- 
site the encampment, and fired upon some of Colonel Cil- 
ley's men, who were tending cattle. They killed one and 
wounded another. August 16 Colonel Cilley's regiment, 
with General Poor's brigade, marched up the river to meet 
General Clinton's brigade, which had come over from the 
Mohawk River. They were piloted by some friendly Indi- 
ans for quite a distance, and then General Poor thought it 
would be better, and more expeditious, to send three 
chosen veterans to meet General Clinton and pilot him 
to meet his brigade. The three men chosen for this pur- 
pose were Sergeant Joseph Henderson, Sergeant Thomas 
Scott, and Peter Stevens, all of whom belonged to the 
First New Hampshire Regiment commanded by Colonel 

These fearless heroes, with only three days' rations, 
set out on their hazardous journey; they got lost in the for- 
ests and did not meet Clinton's army, but after wandering 
about several days they struck the track of Clinton's army 
and following it arrived at head quarters, after having been 
absent a dozen days; they were completely exhausted 
Meanwhile General Poor's and General Clinton's brigades, 
succeeded in meeting, and the combined forces arrived at 
Tioga August 22d. 

All preparations having been completed, General 
Sullivan gave orders to march, three Indians belonging to 
the Oneida tribe having joined the army to assist as guides. 
The army advanced into the Seneca country, leaving a gar- 
rison of 500 men at Tioga point; they marched four 
miles that day, six the next, four on the third and four 
miles on the fourth day, August 29, when the advance 
guards were fired upon by the enemy from a breastwork 
they had thrown up, about a quarter of a mile in length, 
extending from the river to a large range of mountains, 
which lay parallel with the river; here Sullivan's army halt- 
ed and prepared for battle. 


That march from Tioga, through the inhospitable wild- 
erness, was in the following manner: A hollow square was 
formed; General Hand's brigade in front, General Poor's 
brigade on the right; General Maxwell's on the left, and 
General Clinton's in the rear. Within the hollow square 
was placed Colonel Procter's regiment of artillery, together 
with the horses carrying general supplies, also the beef 
cattle. The regiments marched in platoons, eight deep, 
and each man had to keep his place, hence the march was 
slow and fatiguing, but General Sullivan insisted on this 
order, so that in case of an attack, which was reasonable to 
be expected at any time, a front of three brigades could be 
speedily formed. 

The breastworks of the Indians were made deceptive 
by being covered with small pines stuck into the ground. 
It was Sunday morning, August 29, when this force of the 
enemy was discovered. After a brief consultation of the 
officers, General Sullivan ordered General Poor's brigade 
to march to the rear of the hill, at the foot of which the 
enemy were behind their breastworks; the brigade marched 
around about three miles and then began to ascend it; as 
they did so the Indians, concealed behind trees, sent forth 
the most hideous yells, which echoed from the opposite 
mountain sides as though the woods were full of the sav- 
age warriors, at the same time they fired on our men. 
They kept up their war-whoops and shooting as our sol- 
dieas advanced, returning the fire; when General Poor's 
brigade was about half way up the hill, the order was 
given to charge bayonets, and they did so with a rush and 
gave the American yell, which sent terror into the enemy 
and they disappeared as fast as their legs could carry them, 
completely deserting the breastworks they had so finely 
planned and constructed. This was the battle of Newton, 
of which General Sullivan's official account gives minute 
details. Colonel Cilley led his men in that march up the 
hill, and was active in the execution of the order from 
beginning to end of the encounter. His men captured 


two prisoners, one negro and one a white man. The latter 
was found lying on his face and pretending to be dead; 
but Colonel Cilley punched him a bit, and he proved to be 
very much alive. His face was blacked, but the rest of his 
person proved to be white, so they judged him to be a Tory 
and put a rope around his neck and threatened to hang 
him; but the threat was not put into execution. 

They remained on the battle ground until sunset, 
when, no enemy being in sight, they returned to the plain 
and encamped, and sent the wounded down to Tioga in 
boats. In burying the dead, they burnt brush over the 
graves, so that the Indians might not distinguish them 
from the places where the camp fires had been burned. 

August 31 they advanced ten miles, and the next day 
they marched 13 miles to French Katharine's, where they 
rested a day. Before they started on this march up around 
the small lakes, General Sullivan had told them they would 
have very hard work and short rations, and those who 
thought they were unable to endure it would be permitted 
to return to the camp at Tioga. Colonel Cilley drew up 
his regiment in line, and then walked from right to left of 
it, looked every man in the face, gave each a pleasant word 
and expressed his fears that some could not endure the 
march, and he thought it would be better for them to 
remain behind in camp; but not a man would consent to 
remain behind. Near the left of the line, Colonel Cilley 
found a boy, only fifteen years old, and he strongly urged 
him not to undertake the campaign. The boy begged to 
be permitted to go forward with the regiment, so finally 
Colonel Cilley said: Go my lad, and God go with you" 
The boy, whose name was Richard Drout, went with the 
regiment and came out all right at the end of the 

It is not necessary to follow that campaign day by day, 
to show what Colonel Cilley and his regiment did; a few 
incidents will be given. The Indian and Tory army kept 
a little ahead of Sullivan's advance, and, frequently Col- 


onel Cilley's regiment came across their camp fires, where 
they had left boiling their kettles of succotash, which, of 
course, the soldiers found very acceptable, and disposed of 
it with much relish. When they came near an Indian vil- 
lage, parties were always sent out to burn the huts and to 
destroy their corn. Near Geneva lake they encamped in a 
very large apple orchard, hence they called the place 
Appleton. There they caught several Indian horses by 
driving them into the lake, where expert swimmers caught 
them. They destroyed that orchard completely. 

The army was obliged to ford Canandaigua Lake, a 
short distance from its outlet, where the water was nearly 
up to the men's shoulders, so each man had to be careful 
of his powder. Both sides of the crossing were covered 
with an underbrush of grapevines and thorn bushes, which 
made the passage very difficult. Colonel Cilley's regiment, 
being in front of the right wing, was ordered to ha t and 
to see that all guns of the army in passing were well 
loaded and fresh primed, as the expectation was that 
the enemy would attack our army as soon as the men 
emerged from the lake. The crossing was completed 
about sunset. 

( To be continued) 


A Monologue 
By Dorris L. Burke 

R THOMAS Benton laboriously polished his 
glasses on a corner of the Turkey-red table 
cloth. His brow was furrowed with a matter 
of vast importance. Alice Lucretia was home for Fast 
Day vacation and it was expedient to make out that Town 
Bill. His granddaughter removed her sweeping cap as she 
crossed the shining yellow floor. 

"It ought to have been done three weeks back. Wil- 
liam H. told me to hand it in and he'd see 'twas paid. But 
its a perticuler piece of writtin', bein' Town business, and 
I dassen't tackle it by lamp light and any way your hand's 
a mite plainer than mine. The ink's on the mantle tree. 
'Don't seem to be much in the bottle. Aint been any used 
since your mother writ that recipe for spring bitters last 
Febra'ry. Maybe it's kind of dried up. There's some 
purple ink in the sullarway. 

"You guess you can make this do? I dunno what dif- 
ference the color makes so long's it's plain. Won't that 
pen write? Your mother writ with it. I dunno what 
they do to all the pens. 

"You've got one that will do? Now, how are you 
going to start it? Town of Strafford to Thomas Benton, 
debtor. Is that the way? Well — I suppose you know. 
You say you teach bookkeeping? I dunno's that's either 
here or there. D-r stands for doctor, I thot. March sev- 
enteen, nineteen hundred and six. Three tons five cut 
best hay. What's that? C-w-t, you say? Means hundred 
weight? Be just as well to write it out, wouldn't it? Three 
tons, five hundredweight best hay at seventeen dollars and 



fifty cents per ton. Ninety-one dollars and eighty-eight 
cents. Sure you've reckoned it right? You know a little 
mistake might throw the bill right out. Accounts have to 
be ac'rate. Let me see your figurin'. Aint very good 
sevens, some way. It's ninety-one dollars and eighty-seven 
cents and one-half here, and you've writ it ninety-one dol- 
lars and eighty-eight cents. I knew you'd blunder if I 
didn't watch out. Always call the half cent another one? 
Well, yes, gen'rally. But in Town business I dunno's 
we'd better. It don't pay to be too cropin'. They might 
think I was takin' advantage. I wouldn't want to cheat 
the town tho 'tis pretty clear of debt. I aint like some 
folks. They say Sim Morris handed in a bill for white- 
washin' of eight dollars and sixty-five cents, and he only 
worked a little more than two days. But that aint my way. 

"We might call it ninety-one dollars and eighty-seven 
cents? They'd probably figger it up again. Then they'd 
see that wan't right. 'Twont do to make any mistakes. 
You've changed it to ninety-one dollars eighty-seven cents 
and a half? Let me see if it looks all right. I dunno 
about that one-half. Seems as if it wasn't exactly business 
like. They say William H. is terrible heedless. Received 
p-a-y-m-t. Means payment I suppose. Be better to write 
the whole word, wouldn't it? Now read it out. Sounds all 
right you think? Lemme see how it looks. That' a queer 
lookin' B in Benton. The Se'lecmen aint used to new 
fashioned writin', you know 

"You can write it all over again? Well — perhaps it 
would be better to. Paper don't cost such a great sight, 
and it can't be too plain. Yes, guess that B will do now. 
But you squeezed the d-r terribly. Ought to have taken 
more room. Town of Strafford to Thomas Benton, debtor, 
March seventeen, nineteen hundred and six. Aint the 
seventeenth of March St. Patrick's day? It's a holiday then? 
No? Sure? Just bring me the almanac will you? That 
cramp last night stiffened my knees all up. Forgot to turn 
my shoes upside down when I went to bed. 


"You don't see how that could prevent cramp? Aint 
never had the cramp have you? How do you know any- 
thing about what will cure it then? Yes, you can laugh if 
you want to, but I know I never have a mite of trouble 
when I turn my shoes bottom up by the bed. And when 
you know a thing its pretty hard gettirT around it. 

"January, Feb'rary, March. Don't seem to say any- 
thing its being St. Patrick's Day. Should think that 
was queer enough. What's that? Why don't you move 
your lips when you talk? How do you suppose anybody's 
goin' to hear? 

"The holidays are in your register, and St. Patrick's 
Day aint one of 'em? Well, I dunno. And you always 
keep school that day? They do strange things now. I 
guess it must be a kind of a holiday. But maybe it won't 
make any difference with the Town. There aint any Cath- 
olics, as I know, holdin' office this year. 

"Received payment. Had you ought to put that on? 
Don't it look as if I was kind of presumin'? 

"The Town always has paid its bills? Far's I know. 
But I aint never transacted any business with 'em before, 
and it aint always best to be too sure. A Town's a little dif- 
ferent from an individual, you know, don't you? 

"It won't take you but a minute to write another bill? 
You're always in such a twitter. Guess if you hadn't hur- 
ried this one so much it would have been a little nearer 
right. Lemme see. Seems if your writin' aint nigh as 
pooty as twas once. You do make such foolish lookin' f's. 
I dunno's as I ever saw any before or since that looked 
just like 'em. 

"Reg'lar copy book f's? But maybe the Se'lecmen 
wouldn't know it. What? Yes, I guess you'd better leave 
it off this time. Though, I dunno. I suppose Received 
Payment ought to be in the same writin' as the rest. And 
you prob'bly be off somewhere when they come in to pay 
it. Still, I'd have to sign my name myself, and of course 
that would be different. I'm sure I dunno how it would stand 


the law. I suppose Judge Thompkins would know. Might 
ask him sometime. Yes, be just as well to leave off till we 
get the right of it. Now read it all out. I dunno as I just 
like the looks of that dollar sign. Looks more like a hoop 
skirt than anything else to me. 

"You guess it's well enough? Grandsir Gilman used to 
say that meant it ought to be better but you hadn't sprawl 
enough to do it. Dretful queer lookin' d on the end of 
Strafford, too. Is there another sheet of paper? 

"You aint used it all? Haste makes waste, and that's 
what I've always said. Perhaps it would have been full as 
well to call it ninety-one dollars and eighty-seven cents 
after all. Someway that one-half don't look any too ship- 
shape. There'd ought to be another piece of paper some- 

"I dunno, maybe, after all, I'd better make the bill out 
myself. It might make some difference, seein' its the 
Town. Just bring me my other glasses; the ones with a 
string on 'em. In my day they learned 'em somethin'." 

By Winthrop Packard 

A million years in the smelting pots 

Of the great earth's furnace core 

It bubbled and boiled as the old gods toiled 

Before it was time to pour. 

A million years in the giant molds 
Of granite and mica-chist 
It cooled ana lay in the selfsame way 
That into their hearts it hissed. 

A million years and the clouds of steam 
Were rivers, and lakes and seas 
And the mastodon to his grave had gone 
In the coal that once was trees. 

Then the Master Moulder raised his hand, 
He shattered the gray rock mold 
And sprinkled its core from shore to shore. 
And the dust that fell was gold. 


No. IX 

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3 N ■•} 


^.u i~,.. .. .. .- ->V^.>^*'- u-- . -. - _ 


From a Painting by G. H. BouGHTON 


Character Sketches 


§&► " The Puritan " 

"Life is the mirror of king and slave, 
'Tis yust what you are and do; 
Give to the world the best you have, 
And the best will come back to you." 

7'?vR<5 MONG the many heroic examples of pioneer life 
afforded by the history of the world, there is 
not one that stands forth with nobler precept or 
grander figure than the Puritan. He is the 
embodiment of truth and sincerity in the type. His was not 
the fleeing from grievious oppression, from the tyranny of 
false kings, but the quiet shifting of the scene of his life, the 
earnest desire to better his fortune, and in a new country 
build and foster those inherent principles of better government 
and higher religious ideals. 

It is possible he was himself narrower in spirit than he 
dreamed; it is possible he held within his own doctrine the 
very contracted ideas that he believed governed others. He 
would not have been human otherwise. He would 
never have reached the high goal that he did had he not 
striven for higher and sterner precepts than filled his life, 
for we never rise above our ideals. Between the real and 
thejdeal we finally find our place. 

Perhaps no pioneer felt more than he the risk of his 
undertaking. He anticipated something of the danger he was 
courting; something of the difficulty he was to encounter; 
something of the sacrifice he was to make. Our artist has 
illustrated in his spirited painting one phase of the peril that 
beset his life. Of the seven days and nights in the week not 

one was fraught with more menace from the dusky foemen 
that corstantly haunted his home than the Sabbath. It was 
then the earnest purpose of his being to worship according 
to the dictates of his heart, urging him to congregate with his 
brethren at the little log meeting- house to listen to the devout 
man of God. The wily redman knew of this custom no less 
than he, and frequently improved this favorable opportunity 
to wreak a vengeance, not wholly unjust, upon his paleface 
enemies. The young couple here portrayed are upon 
their way to church and have been waylaid by the cun^ 
ning Amerinds. It is now wit against wit, cunning against 
cunning, courage against thirst for blood. That moral 
bravery will win we know, for it ever does. And yet, 
all that we have in Christian civilization that is worth 
the winning has been won by sacrifice. Every material 
article that helps to bring us bodily comfort; every good 
work that invigorates the mind; every noble advance^ 
ment of human endeavor; every moral movement that dL 
pels the darkness of ignorance and ushers in the morning of 
new and brighter light has been paid for at a sacrifice; won 
by predestined struggle; upheld only by constant vigilance. 

"The hearts that beat two hundred years ago 
Were players in a mighty symphony; 
Each heard its separate part, no more: while we, 
Who heard the solemn measures swell and flow. 
Confined in one majestic hymn, bestow 
Upon the whole the name of history," 


By A Staff Contributor 

CHE subject of this sketch, the Hon. Robert P. Bass, 
is a descendant of one of the families who early 
settled our State and members of which have 
been prominently associated in its industrial and political 

It is said that a rugged race is the product of rugged 
influences. The stern character of the typical New Eng- 
lander could not have been nurtured under milder envi- 
ronments. It was the frowning hills, the rock-shielded 
soil, the sweep of the north wind, not less than the dan- 
gers and seasonings of adventurous lives that made the 
people of northern Europe world-conquering pioneers. 
This indomitable spirit manifested itself in the early comers 
to New England, the Pilgrims, the Puritans, the York- 
shire farmers, and the Scotch-Irish, so called. We see 
this fact typified to a marked degree in the town of 
Peterboro, where the population has sprung from an 
ancestry tried in the rigors of a northern clime amid toil- 
embattled homes. Added to their unswerving principles 
are the ennobling elements that come from the beauty and 
grandeur of its scenery. 

Among the first to be attracted to the picturesque 
region lying between those sentinels of the wilderness, 
Pack Monadnock on the east and Grand Monadnock 
on the west, were a few Scotch-Irish families, who quickly 
proved themselves worthy of being heirs to this promising 
country. The brothers John and William Smith were 
among these pioneers. They came hither with their wives 
from Lunenburg, Mass., in 175 1. The arduous task of 
hewing themselves homes out of an unbroken wilderness, 
the hardships and lessons of their lives are deserving of 



more extended description than can be here given. 
Blessed with large and vigorous families history records 
that from these two resolute settlers have descended sev- 
eral men who have been potent factors in the development 
and prosperity of the Granite State. 

Of the nine children of William Smith, who built his 
humble cabin upon one of the summits of land in the south- 
ern, central section of the town, two settled on farms near 
the homestead. John, the second son, made his home on 
what is now Orchard Hill, the home of Hon. Robert P. 
Bass and his mother. 

Jonathan Smith, the fifth son of William, succeeded 
his father upon the old homestead. He married Nancy 
Smith, a daughter of John who came with William to 
settle in this town. Eleven children were born in this 
home, eight of whom, four sons and four daughters, lived 
to manhood and womanhood and were prominent in various 
walks of life. Nancy Smith, the grandmother of Mr. Bass, 
was one of these children. She married John H. Foster, 
M. D., a native of Hillsboro, who after practicing medicine 
in New London and Dublin, this State, settled in Chicago 
where he was eminently successful. They had three chil- 
dren and Clara, the oldest married Perkins Bass, of Wil- 
liamstown, Vt. 

Perkins Bass, Esq., while reared upon a farm in the 
Green Mountain State, was educated in New Hampshire, 
having worked his way through Kimball Union Academy 
and graduated from Dartmouth College in the class of 
1852. He went to Chicago a poor man and without friends, 
but he quickly proved that he was equal to his opportunity, 
and soon became an important factor in the development 
of that rising metropolis of the West. Deeply interested 
in educational matters, he served in various capacities upon 
boards of education in city and state. One of the public 
schools of Chicago had been named after him. A lawyer 
of marked ability and popular in the legal fraternity, he 
was a friend of Abraham Lincoln, and conducted the lat- 


ter's campaign for the presidential nomination in Illinois in 
i860. He was appointed United States district attorney 
for the northern district of Illinois in recognition of his ser- 
vices. He continued his practice in Chicago for about 
nineteen years, when his failing health compelled him to 
retire from active work in his profession. He then sought a 
home in the country and the family naturally turned to the 
old place in Peterboro, where Mrs. Bass had been a fre- 
quent visitor. 

At this time in 1880 the original family homestead 
could not be secured so the farm settled by John Smith 
and joining the other on the north was purchased. Later 
the original homestead was acquired by Mrs. Adams, a sis- 
ter of Mrs. Bass. The two estates have been added to and 
developed until they are now prosperous and attractive 
New Hampshire homes. 

Mr. Bass, senior, found much enjoyment in the farm 
home in Peterboro. Although but seven years old when 
the family came to the farm, Robert Perkins Bass, 
the younger son, was closely associated with his father in 
the development of this estate especially during his father's 
declining health. His older brother John Foster Bass, 
being the well-known war correspondent, who represented 
some of the leading papers of New York and London in 
hazardous expeditions in the Greek, Philippine and Russia- 
Japan wars, and who is to-day an influential member of the 
National Conservation Association, has an attractive home 
in Peterboro. 

Robert Perkins Bass fitted for college at a school in 
Boston. Having graduated from Harvard in 1896 he took 
a graduate course for a year and then entered the Law 
School. At this time, his father's death caused him to 
abandon his law course and devote his time to the family 
estate. He then returned permanently to his home in 
Peterboro and speedily evinced a lively appreciation of 
farming possibilities. Having a deep interest in the sci- 
ence and practice of forestry, he applied his knowledge 


practically in the development of the large tracts of forest 
which he owned. He was among the first to appreciate the 
importance of the application of modern forestry methods as 
bearing on the future welfare and prosperity of his state. 
He has taken an active part in this line of progress. In 
1906 Governor John McLane appointed him on the State 
Forestry Commission, a position in which he has shown 
much interest, and worked effectively to enhance the for- 
est resources of the State. He has always labored enthu- 
siastically for the establishment of a national forest reser- 
vation in the White Mountains, and he is largely responsi- 
ble for the enactment in the last session of the legislature 
of a more progressive forestry law in New Hampshire. 
In recognition of these services he has recently been 
chosen director of the American Forestry Association. In 
political faith he has always been a staunch Republican 
and believes thoroughly in pure politics. He is sincere in 
the advocacy of honest opinion at all times. Believing in 
him and in the principles he represented his townsmen 
elected him to the house of representatives in 1905 and 
again in 1907. During the latter term he was particularly 
active, serving with his usual zeal and earnestness upon 
two important committees, Forestry and Retrenchment 
and Reform, both positions notably adapted to his purpose. 
He was clerk of the former and chairman of the latter 
committee. In performing the work of the last-named 
committee, he conducted one of the most comprehensive 
and fair-minded investigations ever undertaken in the dif- 
ferent departments of the state government, many of his 
suggestions and criticisms having since been carried into 
effect. This work was done impartially and after a very 
painstaking search for the facts relative to the administra- 
tion of State affairs. This work left Mr. Bass remarkably 
well informed as to actual conditions existing in the differ- 
ent departments of the State Government. 

In 1909 he was elected to the state senate, where he 
was found, as hitherto, a faithful and consistent worker. 


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It has always been his contention that a pledge deliberately 
made in a party platform should be promptly and fully 
redeemed. During the last session of the Legislature he 
was one of the leaders who worked so fearlessly and so 
successfully for the enactment into law of all the planks in 
the Republican platform. He was particularly interested 
in the Direct Primary Law, having introduced the bill in the 
Senate which was finally passed. He believed in the impor- 
tance of this measure for the public good, holding that it 
would return to the people the power directly to choose their 
party candidates, and that this was vital to a truly represent- 
ative form of Government. His own words, substantiated 
by his unswerving integrity in the past, prove the sincerity 
of his purpose: 

"I am thoroughly in sympathy with those principles 
of progress and equity which I believe will make my party 
of even greater influence and value in impartially advanc- 
ing the interests of all the citizens of our State and 
Nation. I ask for the nomination at the primaries on 
these broad grounds, that I may represent the whole party 
and lead it unitedly to the polls. 

"I desire to be governor only on condition that I can 
be nominated and elected free from all political trades or 
other burdens which might in any way hamper me in giv- 
ing the State an economical, business-like administration. 

"Only on conditions which will leave me absolutely 
free to carry out these principles do I desire to become 
governor of New Hampshire." 

Recently many of his townsmen prominently associ- 
ated with the business and professional interests, appreci- 
ating his earnest devotion to his town and state expressed 
their appreciation in an open letter in which they said in 

"Mr. Bass always voted in Peterboro. He has labored 
hard and thoroughly believed in the Republican cause. 
His aim has been to secure a free and open ballot and to 
abide with the decision of the majoiity. He has always 


labored persistently in carrying out the platform of his 
party and thereby fulfilling its pledges. 

"Mr. Bass has always taken an active interest in town 
affairs. Wherever a helping hand was needed he was 
always ready and there are many improvements in town 
that owe much to his efforts. He has been prominent in 
the work of the Board of Trade. His work as electric 
light Commissioner has been of decided benefit to the 

"He is a member of the Peterboro Grange, and deeply 
interested in the management of his extensive farm and 
forest interests. His work as Chairman of the State For- 
estry Commission is well known. Mr. Bass' activities as 
Representative of the town and as Senator have been 
highly appreciated and his many friends are glad to bear 
testimony to his able and earnest work. Should he be 
chosen Governor of the State we are confident he will dis- 
charge the duties of that office in the same self-sacrificing 
manner which has characterized his public service in the 

"As his fellow townsmen it gives us pleasure to make 
this statement as a testimonial of our respect and esteem 
for Mr. Bass." 

We find among those signing this letter, the Repre- 
sentatives of the Town at the last General Court, the 
Board of Selectmen, Town Clerk, Town Treasurer, Electric 
Light Commission, Town Library Committee, pastors of 
the Congregational and Baptist Churches, Tax Collector, 
all officers of the Republican Town Organization, Master 
of the Peterboro Grange and the editor and manager of 
the local paper. 

Mr. Bass is descended from twogood old NewHampshire 
families; one of which has given the state, Jeremiah Smith 
who fitted himself for the practice of law in the Chamber of 
the old ancestral home in Peterboro and then removed to Ex- 
eter,and became one of the leadingcitizens of the State, hold- 
ing numerous offices of trust and honor, among them being 


those of Governor, Congressman and Chief Justice. His 
son, the present Judge Jeremiah Smith is noted in his 
profession on the Bench and as a learned member of the 
Faculty of the Harvard Law School. 

In view of the people from whom he is descended and 
in view of his public record to the present time, Robert P. 
Bass should prove himself to be, in the future as in the 
past, a useful and influential man in promoting the best 
interests of New Hampshire as well as a sturdy supporter 
of good government. 

^fje Ifomesteaog of $etrj <£nglanb 

By Fred Myron Colby 

The homesteads of New England, 

How peaceful do they stand 
On hillside and in valley, 

O'er all our smiling land! 
Within each one is plenty, 

And comfort and good cheer; 
And freedom's God is worshiped 

By those who have no fear. 

The homes of old New England, 

Oh, grand among the trees 
Rise up their stately gables 

To meet the sun and breeze. 
They gaze through blooming orchards 

O're fair and wide demesnes, 
The sunshine warmly smiling 

Upon each lovely scene. 

New England's pleasant homesteads, 

What pilgrim shrines they are, 
Along her purling rivers, 

Ensconsed on hillsides fair! 
They sheltered men and women, 

The hands that built a State; 
From out their cheery doorways 

Have stepped the good and great. 


The homesteads of New England, 

Long may their hearthstones blaze, 
And long their hallowed memory 

Shine down the future days. 
The best of all New England 

Sprang from these homes of toil, 
The glory of their labors 

Made grand her sacred soil. 

The homes of old New England, 
[ God bless them one and all; 

The farm-house on the hillside, 

The rich men's stately hall; 
The cabin in the forest, 

The villa by the sea; 
Each homestead's precious title 

Is held in loving fee. 

Cfje ^rpsting Place 

By Helen Merrill Choate 

The evening shades and shadows of night, 
Crept through the trees and shut out the light, 
Long rays of crimson died in the west, 
The birds flew home to their airy nest. 

The moon peeped slyly from behind a cloud, 
As tho' prying eyes were not allowed, 
The curfew tolled in a warning tone, 
As I watched and waited all alone. 

None other knew in that silent dell, 
But a whip-poor-will and he couldn't tell, 
Of her who hastened with eager feet, 
To our haven of rest at love's retreat. 

Of the fond embrace near the rustic bars, 
'Mid fragrant flowers in nature's jars, 
Of plighted love both fond and deep, 
'Neath friendly shades, that secrets keep. 


& I.J 




Jn J>tage=£oacf) l^aps 

Early Posts and Post-Riders 

By George Waldo Browne 


/^r^HERE is no more interesting or picturesque char- 
' %J . acter in the early history of a country than the 
^^ post-rider. The mind's eye, at mention of the 
subject, quickly kindles with a brighter light, as it pictures 
one of these swift-moving messengers. In a rude manner 
the dusky Amerind could claim to be the original post- 
rider of this country. His steed was the birchen skiff, 
which under his skillful hand glided swiftly and silently 
along the vine-canopied stream of the primeval wilderness; 
his letters were the wampum belts of chiefs, their mes- 
sages, couched in picturesque language, seeking redress for 
some real or fancied wrong or dictating in no uncertain 
terms the claims of war. A yet ruder method of commu- 
nication was the flaming brand that he shook aloft from 
the summit of a mountain, the signal to be seen and 
answered by a sentinel on another peak in the distance, 
which in turn was recognized by a third, this one by a 
fourth, and so on until the message had been carried for 
hundreds of miles across a pathless country. But these 
were ominous summons that portended deadly strife. 

With the appearance upon the scene of the civilized 
races this wild feature of correspondence vanished, and in 
place of the torch and the wampum with its rude imagery 
came the letters and newspapers of an educated people. 
Still it was not until the beginning of the iSth century, 
when schools were established in this country, that letter 
writing was mastered by many. Before this inhabitants 



depended largely upon verbal messages delivered by friends 
rather than those of a written language. But there were 
those who could handle the goose quill in a creditable man- 
ner, and frequently those who could not write themselves 
employed a scribe to place their thoughts upon paper. 
Thus no ship came expectedly into port that did not find a 
crowd in waiting, looking anxiously for some communica- 
tion from the friends and loved ones in the homeland. 

So numerous, for the times, did these letters and 
packages become that the government, on November 5, 
1639, ordered all letters to be sent to the house of Richard 
Fairbanks on Cornhill, Boston, where people could call for 
them. This was the first post-office in New England. As 
the inhabitants became more scattered and letters became 
more numerous, it was necessary to employ men to carry 
these missives, and they were known as post-riders. 

Mounted couriers, or men on foot, were employed by 
government to send its messages to different sections of 
the country, there being no newspapers. The journeys of 
these riders were often performed at risk to life and limb, 
to say nothing of the hardships endured. Frequently long 
distances were made in remarkably short time, and these 
agents or messengers won in friendly rivalry records that 
were the crowning events of their lives. 

Government fixed the compensation at three pence a 
mile, while inn-holders were warned not to charge exorbi- 
tant prices for their fare and ferry-men were ordered not to 
delay them on their passage and to carry them free. The 
post-rider was authorized to press into his service any 
horse or horses that he might need in case of an 

Andrew Hamilton, formerly a successful merchant of 
Edinburgh, and who came to New Jersey in 1686, was 
made deputy postmaster-general April 4, 1692. He estab- 
lished a regular post-office in Boston the following May. 
He established the first post-office in New Hampshire at 
Pascataqua then and laid out a route for post-riders run- 


ning from Pascataqua, N. H., through Boston to New York 
and Philadelphia and then on to Richmond, Va. 

The rate of postage made the cost for a single letter 
of six pence from Pascataqua to Boston; from Boston to 
Connecticut, nine pence; to Philadelphia, fifteen pence. 
All public letters were sent free. 

Duncan Campbell, a sturdy Scotchman of undoubted 
integrity, was appointed deputy postmaster at Boston in 
1693, and a salary was affixed to the office of ^"20 a year. 
He was also "as an encouragement exempted from pay- 
ing of taxes" and allowed to sell strong drinks. A further 
proof of the desire of the government to make the work a 
success was an act of the general court which provided 
"that for three years all persons not bringing letters to the 
post-office (except those excepted) shall pay four times the 
regular rates," 

A fine of £5 was laid upon any ferryman who should 
detain a post-rider, and the owners of horses pressed 
into the service received six pence a mile for their use. 

Notwithstanding all that was done to make a success 
of the undertaking, the result was discouraging. John 
Campbell, the successor of his brother Duncan, cited sev- 
eral reasons for this partial failure. There was, in the first 
place, a lack of financial support to carry on the work in 
the best manner possible; the ferry-men were not as 
prompt as they should be in serving the post-riders; the 
people did not give sufficient encouragement and patron- 
age: these and other reasons were given to show why the 
department had fallen behind in expense. It cost ;£68o a 
year to maintain the route from Pascataqua to Philadelphia. 
Of this sum New England had to pay ^"453 6s. 8p. The 
shortage amounted to .£275 a year. 

We get a glimpse of the speed and certainty with 
which mail matter was transported by the fact that when 
this declaration of Deputy Postmaster Campbell reached 
Philadelphia Postmaster-General Hamilton had been dead 
a month. John Campbell, the sender of this message, was 


the founder of the first newspaper printed in this country 
the Boston Xexcs. Letter. It was no fault of the manage- 
ment, taking in consideration the situation, that the 
department did not pay. Postmaster Hamilton was suc- 
ceeded in his high office by his widow, the first post-mistress 
in America, and she administered affairs as judiciously as 
her able husband had done. Their son, John, next occu- 
pied the place. 

In 1704 the eastern post left Boston for Pascataqua 
every Monday morning, and the mail from the latter place 
reached Boston Saturday. 

The success, as well as the convenience and safety, of 
the post-rider, depended largely upon the conditions of the 
roads. Among the earliest roads or ways of travel was the 
Old Connecticut Road or "Bay Path," as it was better 
known. It was one of the first links connecting Boston, 
with the West. This pathway was the principal if not the 
only way of communication with the westward-lying coun- 
try for over forty years. In 1673 anew passage, also called 
"The Connecticut Road," was laid out by the court of 
Massachusetts, and this route was eventually extended to 
Albany, N. Y. 

Other roads followed, generally running along some 
old trail of the Amerinds, until the settlement of new 
towns made it necessary to break away from the rudely 
appointed routes. Thus slowly, year by year, the country 
became crossed and cris-crossed with a network of high- 
ways. But it was not, however, until after the close 
of the French and Indian Wars that roads multiplied 
very fast. Those seven years of conflict had served 
to unlock the secrets of the wilderness to the frontier 
soldiery that everywhere passed and repassed. The keen- 
eyed scouts and wood-rangers not only saw with unflinch- 
ing vision their dusky foemen, but they beheld with long- 
ing gaze the advantages of the different sections of coun- 
try lying to the west and north. Thus roads followed 
rapidly the conclusion of the war. 


At first there were no bridges, and the streams had to 
be forded or crossed by ferries. For several years the 
roads running out of the metropolis of New England 
crossed the Charles River between Boston and Cambridge, 
where the ferry was established as early as 1631 by Edward, 
Converse. Nine years later the profits of this ferry went 
to Harvard College. A bridge was built over the Charles 
on the road to Brighton in 1641. 

The first road leading into New Hampshire of which 
I have found any record was the old "King's Highway," 
connecting Boston with Portsmouth. This seems to have 
been a popular route as early as 1766, and it led through 
Greenland, Stratham, Exeter, Kingston, Plaistow, Haver- 
hill, Bradford, Andover, Wilmington, Woburn, Medford to 
Boston. It was sixty-six miles in length. 

Another road a little later was established leading out 
of Boston through Lynn (turning at Medford), Salem, 
Ipswich, Newbury, Hampton, and joining the other at 
Greenland. This route was extended through the province 
of Maine, northward; and over the old Indian "Carrying- 
Place," at the headwaters of the Kennebec and the Chau- 
diere to Quebec. It was over this route that Arnold 
passed with his troops upon that memorable winter march 
to conquer Canada. 

In 1770 another road into New Hampshire, known as 
the "Road to Number Four," now Charlestown on the 
Connecticut, was open to travel. This road crossed the 
Charlestown Ferry and went through Cambridge, Lexing- 
ton, Concord, Acton, Littleton, Groton, Shirley, Lunen- 
burg, Fitchburg, Ashburnham, Winchendon, Mass., Swan- 
sey, Keene, Walpole to Charlestown, N. H. The distance 
was 119 miles. 

Almost the first movement made by the Scotch-Irish 
colony that settled Nutfield in 17 19 was to open roads for 
the convenience of the settlers. A road had already been 
opened to Haverhill, and what afterwards became known 
as "The Great Road" was ordered built to Amoskeag 


Falls. Nearly a hundred years before this, the Apostle 
Eliot, in the summer of 1649, had caused to be cleared a 
road or pathway up the west bank of the Merrimack River 
to Amoskeag Falls, where Passaconaway had requested him 
to visit his people. Illness prevented the good man from 
undertaking the journey, but his noble intentions had been 
instrumental in laying out the first road coming into our 

The breaking out of the Revolutionary War placed 
another check upon roads, so that the most common way 
of travel was upon horseback or on foot, the slow-moving 
ox-team the power used to move heavy commodities. A 
system of post-riders extended wherever new settlements 
sprang up, and the scanty number of letters, papers and 
parcels were carried through all the principal towns by 
these hardy carriers. The main roads banding the country 
were improved somewhat and came to be known as "Post 
Roads." The first of this class of highways ran between 
Boston and New York by way of Providence, Stonington, 
New London and the sho e of Long Island Sound, a dis- 
tance of two hundred and fifty-five miles. It was over 
this route that Madame Knight made her memorable trip 
in the summer of 1804. 

Among the very earliest pioneers to assist in the 
advancement of the postal service of this country was 
Isaiah Thomas of Boston, who was the editor and publisher 
of the Massachusetts Spy, before the Revolution. In the 
fall of 1774 he was instrumental in establishing a line of 
post-riders from Boston to Baltimore, his associates in the 
undertaking being Thaddeus Burr of Fairfield, Conn., John 
Holt of New York, and William Goddard of Baltimore. 

The following year, upon moving his paper to Worces- 
ter, he made increased effort to add to the postal facilities. 
Every Wednesday, the day upon which his paper came 
from the press, a post-rider started for Cambridge and 
Salem, returning Saturday with the Gazette published at 
the former place by Edes & Gill. 


The system of rural free delivery, of which the post- 
riders stand as shining examples, became so popular that 
the public was loath to give it up. Post-riders continued 
on their routes, many of them, several years after the com- 
ing of the iron horse, which was to completely revolutionize 
the mode of travel. They were especially valuable to the 
publishers of papers, and their reputations were won by 
the swiftness and certainty with which they delivered their 
messages. Not infrequently did they incur great hard- 
ships but actual dangers, as witness the following contem- 
porary account taken from the Boston Courier of Jan- 
uary 28, 1833. 

Expresses are carried sometimes in light vehicles, but generally on 
horseback. The speed is commonly too great for the motion of wheels, 
and with a horse unincumbered by a vehicle, obstacles from bad roads or 
any other source can be more readily overcome and avoided. The riders 
are dressed in a light jacket, pantaloons, or breeches and boots, and a 
snug cap. In the rapid expresses which have been run within the last 
two years from Washington with the president's message, horses and 
riders are stationed at intervals of five miles throughout the whole line. 
The shortest calculations have been for twenty-two miles per hour. Each 
horse, therefore, has to perform his route within fifteen minutes. As each 
horse comes up, the next rider seizes the package, applies his spurs, and 
goes off at the top of his animal's powers. Seldom have all the bridges, 
mud-holes and other obstacles of all sorts, between Washington and New 
York, been passed without at least one or two doleful tumbles. In one 
instance, a horse, in jumping from Trenton bridge, slipped and fell, burst 
open his breast, and died on the spot. The riders, strained to the highest 
pitch of excitement and energy, generally contrive to save their necks, but 
they encouuter hazards which to gratify curiosity of thousands can hardly 
repay. Yet there are always a plenty of men and boys with whom the 
pleasure of excitement more than outweigh the danger. If a horse is dis- 
abled, the rider has to procure another as he can, and sometimes takes 
the humble, and, under the circumstance, almost ridiculous alternates, of 
trudging two or three miles on foot. 

It is easy to see that these post-riders were a hardy 
class of men, inured to battling with the elements in all 
sorts of weather and condition. They usually bestrode 
horses worthy of their mettle. Their routes could be 
traced by the notices in the local papers. The newspapers 


and packages were carried in large saddle-bags, and the 
letters in a pouch slung over the shoulder of the rider. 
Merchants not infrequently employed them to carry arti- 
cles, and it was not uncommon for them to take horses 
along for delivery at certain places. A contemporary 
writer in describing one of them says: 

"Every one knew the time for the arrival of the post- 
rider, and a crowd collected to greet him. At every four- 
corners or cross-roads there was a post with a covered box 
upon it, in which to put the papers, and the post-rider 
would ride up to it at a full gallop, open the box, drop in the 
paper and go on without stopping or even slacking his 

Always the bearer of the latest news and gossip in 
those days when papers were not common, the blare of the 
post-rider's trumpet announcing his coming was the signal 
for eager, anxious watchers to await his approach. Upon 
special occasions, such as an election or following the 
occurrence of some important event, these heralds were 
met by crowds at post-offices and public places. About 
1800 these couriers seemed the most numerous, and after 
that time the stage-coach and then railroad supplanted 
them, so they began to diminish, until in the forties they 
disappeared altogether. 

One of the last to follow his calling was William Clark, 
of New London, N. H., commonly known as "Bill Clark." 
. He carried the mail for a long period between the towns of 
New London through Bradford to Washington. It is said 
he never missed a trip, and whatever the weather or condi- 
dition of the road the trumpet of "Old Bill" was certain to 
awake the inhabitants of Bradford at early morning, and he 
was sure to be found at the village hostelry, where he 
stopped long enough to take his breakfast. 

i • ?' 



$$$ Encle's Coon ^lun Coat 

By Stranger 

Illustration by the Author 
O my prophetic soul! my uncle! — Hamlet. 

Note. — It is now twenty years and more since my uncle told the 
story of his coon skin coat. To-night, as I copy out from memory the 
narration of his singular adventure, I call to mind his foresight in sending 
me, soon after returning home, the following sworn declaration. My uncle 
doubtless realized that by some his statements might be discredited if the 
story ever found its way into print. 

Affidavit of Joh^ Oakleaf. Personally appeared before me the 
aforesaid John Oakleaf, yoeman and pedler, who being duly sworn 
deposed and said that the account of his adventure at the home of Dea- 
con Hubbardston was substantially correct as his memory served him. 
(Signed) SELMEN NURUM, J. P. 

Late of firm, Nurum & Greenlemons, 

New Haven. 

EAR the close of a rainy November afternoon, my 
uncle came into my room in the City of Witches. 
Ordinarily, the appearance of my uncle, a plain, 
straight-going man, would not excite unusual interest; but 
this time he came on Friday, the anniversary of the break- 
ing of the neck of the unhappy Stephen Merrill Clark. He 
had come by the way of Gallows hill, and had sold his last 
pair of green spectacles at the very house wherein were 
tried some of the victims of the delusion known as Salem 
witchcraft. And more than all, he wore his coon skin 
coat. I always shuddered when I saw that coat. Some- 
thing of its strange history was known to me. This 
dreary, howling, November afternoon, as he slowly took it 
off and hung it near the fire, the very hair seemed to rise 
up, the tails to lash about, and legs to extend from out of 
the grizzly fur as if thawed into animation by the warmth. 
Naturally enough, the conversation turned into psychologi- 


186 my uncle's coon skin coat 

cal channels, and from thence into the broader sea of 
superstitions in general. 

"It was on such an afternoon as this," said my uncle, 
"that people were startled by seeing thrown in awful mirage 
upon the eastern sky the inverted image of the ill-starred 
brigantine 'Noah's Dove,' that long before sailed away from 
Derby wharf, and was never hailed." 

A peculiar, pendulum-like swaying of the coat now 
drew our attention. At that moment, also, there came a 
rapping at the door so sharp and sudden that my uncle 
dropped his snuff box bottom side up on the floor. Before 
he had time to recover his fragrant macaboy, my old friend, 
Doctor Bicuspid, fresh from the dissecting room of a New 
York medical school, came in with a large carpet bag in 
his hand. 

"Fearful night," said the Doctor, shaking the rain off 
his hat and my uncle by the hand. 

"I was about to say," said Oakleaf, after he had some- 
what recovered from an almost dislocated metacarpus, 
"that I have not known so dismal and terrific a night to be 
abroad in since that very night twenty-seven years age — " 

"Zounds! John Oakleaf, what was that?" shouted the 

At this startling interruption, my uncle broke off the 
thread of his story, and we turned our eyes in the direc- 
tion of the coat, hanging on a wooden peg by the hearth, 
which the Doctor stoutly declared had vibrated several 
times like the pendulum of a clock. After quiet had been 
restored, and the angles of the room had become dulled by 
tobacco smoke, my uncle began again the story of his coon 
skin coat and we, the Doctor and myself, became as open- 
mouthed listeners as ever stared in wonder at old John 
Willet of the famous Maypole Inn. 

"Twenty-seven years ago I started on foot from 
Haverhill, N. H., then a small post-village on the stage 
line from Plymouth to Littleton, with my trunk, that one 
sitting there (he pointed to a small black box in the corner 


of the room), filled with articles of jewelry and a cheap 
grade of lead pencils, commodities at that time unknown 
in country groceries that seldom rose above the dignity of 
lamp oil and lard." 

Here my uncle mused, seeming to wander reflectively 
along paths whose perspective led back to the time when 
he, a traveler, fared along the dusty road, stopping, per- 
chance, at a road-side store to clear his throat with a glass 
of cider at the tap, and then resume his journey to far 
away among the hills. Spirals of smoke, circling about 
him, seemed to weave him, as it were, into the fabric 
memory was tracing, and revivifying faded hues in the 

"You see," said my uncle, at length resuming his 
story, "I felt it incumbent on me to reach Holderness on 
as early a day as possible, for I consider good faith an 
important part of a pedler's outfit. The country folks on 
the Squam Lake road looked forward to my semi-annual 
visit to the neighborhood; and being already two days late, 
I made all haste in reaching that quiet settlement. It was 
late in November; a cold, cheerless and gusty day was 
drawing to a close when I came in sight of the hamlet; at 
intervals a light in a window threw a faint gleam upon the 
shadowy road, while now and then the tinkling of a cow 
bell told of some herd wandering late in pasture. I con- 
fess to a nameless feeling of apprehension, having heard 
away back on the road, rumors of queer and mysterious 
doings thereabouts. It was six o'clock, as near as I can 
remember, when I crossed the log bridge that spanned an 
inlet of the lake; the wind blew in fitful gusts, and Squam 
rolled its dark and frothy waves fretfully upon the shore. 
About half a mile now lay between me and the house 
where I intended to stop a few days. A feeling of timidity 
overtook me again when I passed the spot where, only the 
spring before, a pedler's horse was found tied to an alder 
bush, and his rider was never after heard of; but rumors of 
a ghost with a fractured skull — " 

188 my uncle's coon skin coat 

"Should have been trepanned," said the Doctor, now 
wide awake, 

"As I said, uncanny rumors were rife among the 
superstitious. After winding through the meadow the road 
rises to a ledgy plateau where the wind, increasing as the 
night advanced, swept with unchecked fury. That night 
it roared, as if a thousand demons had been let loose; dark- 
ness came on early, and the forest that nearly surrounded 
my path shut out the last gleam of the departing day; 
while between me and the water the blackness fell like a 
thick curtain. Ever and anon a trumpet blast reached my 
ears, but from where or what direction I am unable to tell, 
but the utter loneliness of that sound, as others who heard 
it afterwards testified, was indeed awful. 

"Half an hour later I sat my box down on the doorstep of 
Deacon Simon Hubbardston's house and rapped on the door. 
The Deacon came along the hall with a tallow-dip in his 
hand, which the wind instantly blew out when he opened 
the door to let me in. Following him into the kitchen, I 
found that he was alone; a yellow barrel-churn stood near 
the fireplace, and the Deacon's iron-bowed spectacles lay 
on an open copy of an old book on Demonology, bearing 
date of 163 1, and the imprint of a London bookseller." 

My uncle in his younger years had been a schoolmas- 
ter, and the love of learned research was still strong upon 
him; but he had too much sense to blunder into the dark- 
ness of a doubtful science by the light of a tallow candle, 
and he was amazed to find the Deacon dabbling in empiric 
lore and following an ignis fatuus into a swamp where only 
tangled perplexities prevail. 

"After the Deacon had returned from the cellar with a 
pitcher of cider," continued my uncle, ''he spoke of the 
singular behaviour of the weather and the remarkable con- 
dition of the atmosphere that then prevailed. 'I am cer- 
tain,' he said, 'at such times, of the dual existence of some 
persons;— did you hear that queer sound, just then, Oak- 
leaf? — and that the invisible presence of some one known 


to be miles away, forces itself upon my mind with oppres- 
sive weight. Certain persons are given power by the 
Prince of Darkness to assume forms other than their own; 
sometimes taking the shape of beast or bird for the pur- 
pose of annoyance, and it may be mischief. Such uncanny 
visitations have, from time out of mind, frightened the 
ignorant and puzzled the learned; peasant and philosopher 
are equally bewildered. Strange, Oakleaf, strange.' 

"If you venture, Deacon, into the domains of imagina- 
tion; where may you not wander? None of us walk with 
sure steps on the brink of the pit of hallucination." 

" 'Some,' continued the Deacon, apparently not hear- 
ing what I said, 'declare that the Bilson woman, who lives 
in a cottage on the meadow, on such nights as this, when 
the moon is on the last quarter, takes the shape of a rac- 
coon and prowls around the houses of honest people; 
during the last storm she took the form of a loon, flew over 
in the shape of a harrow, and finally roosted on my corn 
shed. Gabriel Tinhorn saw a raccoon lurking around one 
night, and next morning his three-year-old bull, was found 
up on the highest beam of the barn; and a brindled cat sur- 
named the "Lamentations of Jeremiah," left in his keeping 
by a summer boarder, had not been seen at all since that 
night. Just before candle-lighting tonight I saw an enor- 
mous raccoon creeping under the gooseberry bushes by 
that window. And now, John Oakleaf, I believe that the 
cream in this churn is bewitched, for I have been churning 
three hours and no signs of butter have appeared.' 

"Deacon Hubbardston, said I, do you think it becomes 
a man of your intelligence and standing in the community 
to talk of such delusions?" 

" 'Great Hornspoon! John Oakleaf,' suddenly ex- 
claimed the Deacon, 'did you hear that sound?' 

"I did distinctly hear the chattering of teeth." 

" 'Hush!' The Deacon looked frightened. 

"What do you think it is, Deacon?" 

"'The old woman Bilson in the shape of a raccoon.' 

190 my uncle's coon skin coat 


" 'Here in the churn? 

"He pushed the churn away, reached up to the little 
cupboard over the fireplace, took out an old newspaper 
containing a lengthy review of 'Grimes on Magic Elo- 
quence,' handed the paper to me, then picking up the blue- 
striped pitcher went down cellar leaving me to wonder what 
was coming next. I sat transfixed by I know not what 
spell, with my eyes fastened upon a strangely luminous 
beam of light that emanated from a chink in the door 
where the Deacon had disappeared. When he returned he 
set the pitcher down on the table and looked at the churn 
in an abstracted manner. 

" 'Oakleaf,' said the Deacon suddenly, 'you used to 
sing; get that book of Watts' hymns and lead off.' He 
found a tuning-fork in a light-stand drawer, with trembling 
band hit it on a leg of his chair, then holding it to his ear 
struck up — Hallelujah metre: 

"On that dark and doleful night 
When powers of earth and hell unite." 

"The exorcising tones arose and joined in dismal chorus 
with the sounds of the night without. 

" 'Holland's Purchase!' exclaimed the Deacon, 'There 
it is again.' 

"He got up, went to the fireplace, drew forward a heap 
of glowing coals, lifted up the churn, and poured the con- 
tents upon the red-hot embers. A moment it seethed and 
boiled, and then gathering itself into a mass the infernal 
compound exploded. Then from out of the brands and 
ashes sprang a monstrous raccoon which leaped upon the 
table, stood still a moment, then crashed its way through 
the window out into the darkness. A shriek, followed by 
flying steps, was heard. I took the old queen's arm that 
hung in the chimney-corner and hurried out as soon as pos- 
sible, but no further injury was needed; the animal was 
still. I removed him to the shed and secured the fur; and 


that is the identical skin in the back of that coat against 
ichich the Doctar is leaning his head. 

"When I came down to breakfast the next morning, 
the young Bilson girl was waiting in the open door for the 
Deacon to find his hat; her manner was excited and 
anxious; we went with her to the little cottage on the 
meadow, where she said that her mother, during the storm 
the night before, had rushed in all ablaze. Whether the 
foot-prints leading from the cottage to the Deacon's broken 
window were hers I am, of course, unable to say; but the 
difference in the time of her appearance at her home and 
the moment when the Deacon poured the cream upon 
the blazing coals varied but ten minutes. 

"Long afterward I again visited the meadow. It was 
afternoon in the spring-time of the year. The shadow of 
a great elm fell across the weed-grown road, and stretching 
over the ruined cottage, hastened on as the sun declined, 
to join kindred twilight in the deep woods that fringe the 
shore of the lake. A strange vine bearing flame-red 
flowers trailed a leafy fretwork among the rafters. With 
unwelcome insistence memory forced upon me thoughts of 
the unhappy victim of a pitiless delusion that demanded 
her as a sacrifice. Was it because she was defenceless that 
they dared darken her way with unjust suspicion? 

"O woman, glorified by the star that guided the Wise 
Men in old Judea, why should one of the least among you 
have not found protection! Had but one Knight like 
Bayard been granted, men who were only their mothers' 
shame, would have been silent. In the calm and peace of 
the evening I walked away never to return." 

"Are you a preacher, too, Oakleaf?" said the Doctor. 

My uncle made no reply. His story was done. When 
he opened the door to go away, we heard the midnight bells. 


As I said in the first place, it was years ago that my 
uncle told the story of his coon skin coat, and that I wrote 
it out from memory. 


When I read the manuscript to the schoolmaster, in 
camp last summer, he said if it wasn't for the affidavit, he 
wouldn't believe the story. Then he took his fishing rod 
and walked away down the road. 

The murmur of Eastman brook reached the school- 
master's ears as he stopped a moment to gather an old- 
fashioned single red rose that grew by the doorstep of the 
haunted schoolhouse, where Macdonald waited in the 
shadow of the butternut trees — Macdonald whose father 
played the Pibroch far in the north of Scotland where the 
waves of Moray Firth wash the shores of Chromarty. 

Windowless and gray the old schoolhouse stands at 
the foot of the hill, while near by a weed-grown road strag- 
gles among gray birches on to where a dismal pool reflects 
the shadow of a ruined mill. 

This is a trout country; and presently, below on the 
brook, I heard the Highlander singing; 

"By yon bonnie banks and yon bonnie braes, 
Where the sun shines bright on Loch Lomond, 
O we twa hae passed sae mony blithsome days 
On the bonnie, bonnie banks of Loch Lomond." 

<3H)e ^tlber Htntng 

By Nelson Glazier Morton 

Every cloud has a silver lining, 

Every night brings the dawning day. 
Life is good, let there come what may; 

Waste no moments in sad repining; 

Every cloud has a silver lining, 

Every night brings the dawning day. 


Ex-Gov. E. A. STRAW 
President 1870-1880 

Ex-Gov. J. A. WESTON 
President 1S80-1S95 

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President 1895-1900 

President 1900-1905 

$eto ifampsfrire irtte insurance 

By Gray Fairlee 

'HE formation of the New Hampshire Fire Insur- 
ance Company was due to the persistent and well- 
directed efforts of a single individual, the late 
John C. French, and it remains a monument to the zeal 
and genius of its founder. 

Forty years ago there was no stock fire insurance com- 
pany in the state of New Hampshire. Several efforts in 
this direction had been made, but all had failed of success. 
It speaks volumes for the ability of its founder that he was 
able at the first to interest and impress, and later to attach to 
the official board and directorateof theneworganization, men 
of financial strength and of a wide influence and reputation 
for conservative methods and integrity of purpose. Himself 
at that time possessed of but a limited knowledge of the fire 
insurance business, he made it a study to the extent that he 
came to rank in the front column of the practical fire 
underwriters of the country. Mr. French was one of the 
most unassuming of men and often took occasion to ascribe 
the wonderful success of the company to the advice and 
assistance of others. It has been said that the test of 
greatness in the business world lies in the ability to select 
and retain capable associates and helpers and Mr. French 
showed unerring judgment in that respect. But the new 
company was launched with his strong hand at the helm 
and followed a course which he had planned, through the 
shoals and past the reefs and treacherous quicksands of the 
earlier years, to the broad waters of success and as nearly 
as possible, under changing conditions and with business 
methods adapted and broadened to meet the requirements 



of a vastly larger organization and a constantly increasing 
field of effort and influence, it still follows along the lines 
laid down by its founder. 

Under the provisions of a bill entitled: "An Act to 
Establish the New Hampshire Fire Insurance Company," 
drawn by John C. French with the advice and assistance 
of Samuel N. Bell and passed by the legislature of 1869, a 
charter was secured and the company was organized in 
January of the following year. In April of 1870 an office 
was equipped and the company was at last in a position to 
do business. The first policy bore the date of April 6 and 
was written by John C French on the residence of ex-Gov. 
James A. Weston, and it is an interesting fact that the 
property is still insured by the New Hampshire, as it has 
been continuously during forty years. 

It seems strange to us to-day, considering the charac- 
ter and high standing in the community, of the half dozen 
men who stood as sponsors to the new company, that 
the first issue of stock was not eagerly acquired, but those 
were days of excessive caution in investment. Fire insur- 
ance in New Hampshire at that period was considered a 
very hazardous enterprise and the history of previous 
attempts in that line was not such as to breed overmuch 
confidence. At the end of the year 1870, the sum of 
#40,123 of net premiums had been written, in the year 
1909 the total net premiums for the twelve months was 
more than $2,150,000. 

The company organization occurred at a period pecu- 
liarly favorable for a successful business. The great confla- 
gration at Boston and Chicago caused a demand for insur- 
ance capital and protection such as had never before been 
known in the history of fire underwriting. The growth of 
the young company was rapid, being only restrained by the 
conservative prudence of its officers and directors and the 
determination to assume only such obligations as could be 
safely carried without danger of disaster. Business was 
extended slowly and cautiously, state by state, the utmost 

. ■ 


care being exercised in the selection of field managers 
and agents. 

The plan outlined at the commencement and ever since 
adhered to, was that all premiums should be retained to 
meet losses, the dividends to stock-holders to be paid from 
the interest on investments. During the years that fol- 
lowed, the surplus or reserve fund thus founded has steadily 
grown, each year having added its quota, until today over 
one and a half millions of dollars is thus held in trust to 
serve as a protection to policy-holders against such contin- 
gencies as might be caused by business and financial crises 
or great conflagrations. 

And thus year by year the New Hampshire Fire grew 
in strength and extended its field of usefulness, gaining 
everywhere a reputation for reliability and square-dealing. 

When the great Baltimore fire came in 1904, to be fol- 
lowed two years later by the unparalleled disaster at San 
Francisco, the company was so firmly entrenched that it 
was little affected by the large losses incurred. In those 
days that tried men's souls, the New Hampshire Fire 
Insurance Company earned its spurs and proved its worth. 
Although hampered and delayed by the loss of all its rec- 
ords in the vault of its General Agency in San Francisco, 
it was one of the first companies to begin paying its losses 
and one of the very first to complete such payment, a 
result attained without ill feeling and to the complete satis- 
faction of all concerned. That this was all accomplished 
without any impairment of its assets and that the state- 
ment of the following January showed the company to be 
financially stronger than ever before was a matter of pride 
and gratification to the officers and stock-holders as well as 
a source of wonderment to policy-holders and the agency 
world, coming at a time when the air was filled with rumors 
of the suspension or re-insurance of long established com- 
panies, while others were forced to adopt heroic measures 
to replenish their depleted treasuries. 

To meet the requirements of a business which has 


shown from the first a constant, healthy growth, it has nine 
times been considered desirable to increase the amount of 
capital stock and each new issue has been practically taken 
up by the old stock-holders. A further increase of $100,000 
has been recently voted, which will make the cash capital 
$1,200,000, the original charter of the company having 
been revised by a recent legislative act to admit of the 
ultimate extension of the cash capital to a round two mil- 
lions of dollars. 

The organization owes much to the officers who have 
managed its finances, to those men who first made it a pos- 
sibility and then throughout its early career as well as dur- 
ing the later years have given to its welfare their time and 
best efforts. The names and memory of ex-Gov. E. A. 
Straw, ex-Gov. James A. Weston, Hon. S. N. Bell, Hon. 
George Byron Chandler and ex-Gov. Moody Currier will 
ever be honored for services invaluable to the New Hamp- 
shire, each having been officially connected with the corpo- 
ration at the time of its inception. A detailed personal 
history of the men who have guided the destinies of the 
company would not be of special interest to a majority of 
our readers, but the result of their work and the organiz- 
ation which they helped to build has assumed a nation- 
wide importance as an exponent of the best and most use- 
ful principles of fire underwriting. 

€bitor'£ Wnbotu 

heroic Sntfoents 

Chiseled out of a rock overlooking the beautiful Lake 
Lucerne, in the heart of the Fatherland of Freedom, the 
very embodiment of simplicity and nobility worthy of the 
genius of its designer, the immortal Thorwald, is a monu- 
ment commemorating the daring sacrifice of The Swiss 

The memorial represents a lion, his body pierced by a 
shaft, while he rests upon the rock-bed his paw lying across 
a shield emblazoned with the lilies of France. Over the 
recumbent guardsman is another shield engraved with the 
arms of Switzerland. 

This monument was made to commemorate one of the 
most heroic scenes in the checkered history of France, 
and commemorates the heroic sacrifice of the Swiss Guard, 
at the critical moment when the tragic drama of the 
French Revolution was at its crucial point and the trem- 
bling emperor, not daring to place himself at the head of 
his brave legion, hesitated while they were butchered 
almost to a man in the precincts of the Tulieries Palace, 
while his sun sank behind a blood-red sunset. 

^fje #2arcf) of Hibertp 

The sun never sets on the American flag! The tri- 
umphant proclamation of the British Empire that night 
never mantles her domain is now the exultation of the 
American people. The Lion has its compeer! 


198 editor's window 

It is but two generations ago that the American 
Nation, like a black knight, entered the tournament of the 
Nations unarmored and unskilled in the use of the unweildy 
commercial lance. 

Well might the Old World look upon it as brazen 
effrontery. Impoverished by the War for Independence 
and facing a financial crisis more serious than any of its 
experiences on the battlefield, the knight of the west 
looked to the east for the loan of sufficient funds to secure 
the bare sustenance of life — but without sympathy. 

The aged monarchies proclaimed it a hazardous risk 
and forcasted short life to the bold knight, pronouncing 
self-government as the vision of irresponsible theorists. 

The tournament of the Nations has been swift. From 
thirteen scattered states in the wilderness the American 
Republic has swept from ocean to ocean. It has pushed 
the light of liberty to the far ice-bounds of Alaska. With 
a leap it has carried the dawn of a new day into the 
Hawaiian Islands and into the Philippines; it has extended 
its arm to struggling Cuba and Puerto Rico as the cham- 
pion of freedom, until to-day the American knight holds 
the commercial supremacy of the world, and with a wealth 
estimated at one-tenth of a trillion dollars, and increasing 
at the rate of twelve millions a day, it is the richest Nation 
on earth — in men and gold. — Mrs. Henry Champion in 
Journal of American History. 

The Spanish Main is a familiar phrase on our lips, and 
practically every one who uses it believes that he is refer- 
ring to an old name for a portion of the ocean. As a mat- 
ter of fact, however, Main is merely a contraction for 
Mainland. The term was applied to that part of the north 
coast of South America which was washed by the Carib- 
bean Sea. The name is simply a survival from the days 
when Spain was the mistress not only of the West Indies 
but also of the mainland. 

editor's window 199 

A most puzzling geographic mystery has come down 
from ancient times. This is the old question as to the 
identity of Ultimate Thule. It was about 400 B. C. that 
Pytheas, a citizen of Massilia, sailed on his famous voyage. 
He discovered Albion, and then continued farther north 
till he reached a spot which he named Ultimate Thule. 
What this country was has never been determined. It 
may have been Shetland, or Norway, or Iceland. 

Another ancient puzzle is that of Atlantis. It is com- 
monly believed nowadays that this vanished continent did 
once actually lie beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and there 
are theories unending concerning it. Some regard the 
Canary Islands as fragmentary remains of it; others think 
that the supposedly lost land was really America. But, in 
considering these speculations, it is well to bear in mind 
the fact that the first mention of the country was made by 
Plato, and many scholars are sure that the philosopher 
merely indulged in an imaginative fight. The solitary evi- 
dence that Atlantis ever existed is his reference to it. 

Three traits of character were prominent in the lives 
of the early pioneers of Londonderry: Sobriety, industry 
and tenacity of purpose. One of their ministers naively 
remarked that "It behooveth a Scotchman to be right, for 
if he starteth wrong he must forever be wrong." It was 
told of one of them that "I'm open to conviction, but I'd 
like to see the man who can convince me." If at times 
stubborn to a division of action upon even church matters, 
they were united in their efforts to establish schools, and 
in this respect were ahead of the English colonists. They 
were exceedingly industrious and guarded their little manu- 
factories with zealous interest. The wives and daughters 

200 editor's window 

of these thrifty people were true home-makers, where the 
hum of the linen wheel was the music of busy workers 
and the steady stroke of the loom the song of active 

Let me preach you a two minutes' sermon upon the 
value of optimism. 

The cry of despair was never the war-cry of victory. 
The Pessimist lays down his sword at the beginning of the 
battle. The tone of the voice is the measure of purpose, 
and there was never a victory won without the ring of 
triumph ere the rubicon has been passed. 

As it is in armed strife so in civil walks of life optimism 
paints the pathway with flowery possibility, and leads the 
feet up stepping-stones of hope and faith to the templed 
height of success. The light may be but the illusion of a 
dreamer and the ladder he climbs but the frail flashes of 
lacework of invisible vines thrown across his pathway by 
phantom hands. Yet, notice it when you will, he who 
climbs the rugged path of great iortune does so with a 
countenance illuminated with the light of the stars and 
who throughly believes in himself. He may be visionary, 
he may seem impracticable, but he leaves the misanthrope 
groping in the dark while he climbs into the sunlight of 


illustrations From Oakes" White Mountain Scenery 


Oakes' "White Mountain Scenery" was not only the earliest, but the most 
ambitious among the illustrated works upon the White Hillls. While some of the 
drawings are not of a very high class of art. yet they created considerable atten' 
tion at the time of their appearance, and are usually accurate in their detail as 
well as in theit general conception. 


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Mountains of the Snowy Forehead 

OUNTAINS are the monuments of the Crea- 
tor's work of world-building. Not alone for 
the grandeur of their majestic presence are 
they noted, but as sources of busy rivers that 
control the progress of industry, the barriers between em- 
pires of eminent domain, the refuge of the seekers after 
political freedom, mountains are ever objects of respect, if 
not veneration, to those who dwell under the shadow of 
their stately dominion. The far-reaching prairie may forever 
beckon with its invisible fingers the wayfarer into the heart 
of its realm, but it offers no recompense for his endeavors; 
no haven of safety at set of sun. The mountain not only 
protects him from the biting blasts of the northland, but it 
unfolds, from its lofty summit, the very scroll of nature's 
handiwork; spreads at the feet of him who climbs the map 
of the universe, and points the way to his own hearthside. 
The breath of the plain is the fitful wooing of the syren of 
desolation. The spirit of the mountain is always the song 
of hope and freedom, love for the strong, protection for the 

The Appalachian chain of highlands following the At- 
lantic coast finds its loftiest elevation and its grandest per- 
fection in the White Hills of New Hampshire. This 
noble range was known to the Amerind by the poetical des- 
ignation of Waumbek Methna, "The Mountains of the 
Snowy Forehead." Properly speaking, this series or group 
of mountains is about fifteen miles in length, with Mount 
Washington the central and objective figure. In breadth it 
is but a few miles, finding its greatest width at the base of 
this monarch. 

From the vantage ground taken by our artist an ex- 
tended view of the lofty range is obtained, probably the 
best in all the region about. While over sixty years have 



left their imprint on the face of nature since he made his 
drawing, the scene has changed very little. It is true great 
inroads have been made upon the forests at their bases, 
sundry storms have cut here and there huge gashes down 
the sides of these giants, while man has dared to scale the 
very highest with his car and bound it with iron bands; still 
the general effect is the same as then. The dome-like sum- 
mit of Mount Pleasant on the extreme left, the flat brow of 
the namesake of Franklin, and the double crests of Monroe 
remain undefiled. A greater sufferer from vandal hands 
than either of these is the monarch of the range, Mount 
Washington, its high, broad pyramid affording the crown 
for all. Its shoulders of loose grey rock thrust above the 
spiky collar of its coat of green, patched with brown where 
barren ledges pierce the threadbare garment of stunted 
spruces, from all points of the compass, the seashore on 
the south to Mount Kathdin in Maine, hence northward to 
the Laurentian wall of the St. Lawrence valley, thence 
making the circle to the Adirondack hosts, then southerly 
and easterly past Uncanoonucs' twin crests and old Paw- 
tuckaway to the Isles of Shoals, it is always the silent, lofty 
sentinel that keeps its ceaseless watch as the army of 
years passes by. 

Without casting any reproach on the illustrious names 
that this range of mountains bears, no greater injustice was 
done the heritage of history than in robbing it of the 
patronymics given by the dusky race that read their very 
moods in the passing clouds, saw in their shifting shades 
the passing of the anger of an offended god, or perchance 
discovered a token of mercy and of hope in the lifting 

To the Amerind the lofty summits were looked upon 
as hallowed retreats, where it was believed only the chosen 
of the Great Spirit could ascend. Their name for the 
highest was Agiochook, which meant "The Home of the 
Great Spirit." 

Spaulding, one of its most faithful historians, says elo- 

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quently: "In olden times, from far and near have come the 
brave and fair red children of the wilderness, to offer, in 
wild, shadowv glens, their sacrifices of vengeance and love, 
and where their songs rose, with the echoes of the thunder- 
ing waterfalls, to mingle with the roaring wind of the tem- 
pest cloud, upon the snow-crowned rock, there they rever- 
ently believed the Great Spirit listened with satisfaction to 
their tributes of esteem. When the first white man came 
here to climb to the top of this bald mountain, an old Indian, 
with his tomahawk of stone, flint-pointed arrow, and tanned 
war-dress, from the skins of moose and bear, standing 
proudly erect, shook his head, and said, 'The Great Spirit 
dwells there; he covers steps above the green leaves with 
the darkness of the fire tempest. No foot-marks are seen 
returning from his home in the clouds.' " 

Gone is the red man's nomenclature, and with it fled 
the romance of the mountain and the forest, more's the pity, 
until we can only say with Hiawatha: 

Lo! all things fade and perish! 
From the memory of the old men 
Fade away the great traditions, 
The achievements of the warriors, 
The adventures of the hunters. 

The present naming of the mountains was done by an 
exploring party setting out from Lancaster in the autumn 
of 1820. Better far had they stayed at home, and left us 
instead of the Presidential Range the red man's Kan Ren 
Woraity, which spoke of the resemblance to the gull in the 
serrated crest lifted against the sky. 

If the poet is singularly silent in giving to us the songs 
and legends of the hills, the artist and historian has, each in 
his own way, sought in the White Hills an inspiration for 
his work, until it would truly seem that the subject had 
long since been exhausted. As a matter of fact, it never 
can be. Every day in their presence discovers some new 
charm, affords a fresh beauty, awakens an unexpected in- 
terest, so until the end of life, though painters and prophets 


may come and go, even readers join the silent procession 
winding down the avenue of eternity, the theme will still 
throw the spell of its splendors over the beholder. 


The White Mountain Notch 

The last word belongs wholly to New England, and is 
not to be found elsewhere. It seems peculiarly applicable to 
him who slowly ascends the valley gradually growing nar- 
rower as he advances after leaving Upper Bartlett, until it 
requires a strong will and determination to keep on where 
the evidence increases foot by foot that there must be an 
end to the journey soon. The murmuring of Nancy's 
Brook, as if it were crooning over and over its pathetic story, 
still rings in our ears, and fits us for the visible impression 
of mountain unwillingness to let us reach the regions above. 
Where the awful jaws of the granite monster seem about 
to close upon us we come in sight of the place where a 
few years ago stood the lonely hostelry, the Willey House. 

The Gateway of the Mountains 

The entrance is guarded on either side by high senti- 
nels of granite, the perpendicular wall rising to a height 
of fifty feet. About a quarter of a mile from this point is 
the dividing ridge where the Saco runs eastward with its 
tribute to the Atlantic Ocean, and the Amonoosuc, flowing 
westward, carries it offering to the Connecticut River. 

Entering the narrow gateway, the beholder gazes with 
new wonder and amazement upon the wild and shift- 
ing scenery that baffles adequate description. Hugh rock- 
splinters, hung with seemingly slight hold upon immense 
sloping ledges, threaten to topple upon the intruder as he 
advances. Cascades of picturesque beauty drop from high 
cliffs like slender white ribbons rolling from the great spool 
of rock. High over all frowns down upon the circum- 
scribed scene the lofty brows of the overhanging mountains. 

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litest ^opfeinton==Past, Present 
anb irtitttre 

By Arthur G. Symonds 

.OUR years ago West Hopkinton was a quiet 
hamlet with no life to stir its rural population ex- 
cept the buzz of a saw-mill which was busy but a 
few months in a year. Years ago a grist-mill and later a kit- 
factory furnished employment for a few men. To-day how 
changed! Few who have not visited this place in the last 
few years would recognize the little village that has sprung 
up almost in a night as the same town of old, and certainly 
the new industry that has created new life and activity 
would excite their wonder as well as their admiration. 

Early in 1906 the Davis Paper Co., which formerly 
operated a paper mill at Davisville, N. H., purchased the 
water rights of Frank H. Carr, who had operated a saw- 
mill here for years and who reserved the privilege of using 
the power necessary to run his mill whenever the water ran 
over the dam. The old dam was torn away and a new and 
higher one constructed of logs, plank, rock and concrete. 

Just below Carr's land, bordering on the river, they 
purchased the interval farm which has been in the name of 
the Rowell family for several generations. Here, side by 
side, two large mills were erected, one a leather-board mill, 
180x60 feet; the other a paper-board mill, 200x30 feet, con- 
structed of concrete, except the upper story of the larger 
mill, which is of wood. 

A canal was dug, leading the water some three hun- 
dred feet to their land below where a gate was erected. 
Then the water is conducted through two large penstocks 
150 feet to the wheel pit in front of the leather-board mill, 

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which is run entirely by water power, while the paper mill 
receives its supply of water through a smaller pipe from 
the same source. 

The plant is equipped with two large boilers, a 65-h. p. 
Westinghouse Standard double-cylinder engine, an electric 
dynamo, a water reservoir with eight feet head, a rotary fire 
pump with a capacity of 1,000 gallons per minute, an auto- 
matic fire sprinkler and alarm, and all the machinery neces- 
sary for making leather-board and box-board. 

On the evening of December 20, 1907, the Davis Paper 
Co. invited the public to attend a house warming and social 
dance. This was held in the upper story of the large mill 
before any machinery had been set up there and was 
largely attended. Special trains and scores of teams brought 
people from several of the surrounding towns. Over six 
hundred were present to enjoy the festivities. No such 
event of so great magnitude ever before occurred in this 
part of the country and it will ever be remembered by young 
and old alike as a gala day in the history of the town. 

A number of houses have been built for the employees 
and a large store house erected adjoining the Boston and 
Maine railroad, just across the river from the plant. 

A vast amount of labor and capital was employed to 
carry on this work and men from many climes and nearly 
every calling participated in bringing this enterprise to its 

Henry C. and Horace J. Davis of Contoocook, who 
were formerly associated in making straw board and leather 
card board at Davisville, are at the head of this concern. 
Both have served in the New Hampshire legislature and 
are both quite well and prominently known throughout the 
state. Nathaniel Davis, a recent graduated of Dartmouth, 
the son of the former, is acting as resident and assistant 
manager. About thirty men are required to operate both 
mills which run day and night except on Sunday. 

A store has been opened; the patronage of the post 
office increased; a telephone exchange now reaching into 


several towns originated here and bears the name of 
the place; milk is delivered daily; Carr's saw mill has been 
renovated and a steel penstock added; a new and larger 
school house is projected; for miles around the farmers set 
their timepieces by the whistle that goes hand in hand with 
the hum and wheels of industry, and marks the advent of 
day and night; the- depot, for the first time in its history, is 
heated and in charge of an attendant; and every passing 
train stops to accommodate the increasing traffic and travel. 

Such has been the marvelous change at West Hopkin- 
ton, and who can truly speculate upon its future growth and 
development? Nowhere on the Contoocook is there a bet- 
ter location for an industry or a better chance to utilize the 
splendid water power. Here it almost seems that Nature 
forestalled man in her preparation to dam the river's mighty 
resources. On either side of the stream the banks rise to 
a great height and the river falls many feet in coming a 
short distance above the present dam. Whenever the 
power is properly harnessvd it will be productive of far 
greater results than it is capable of producing to-day. The 
time is not far distant when here, as upon other streams 
and sources of water power, a dam will be so constructed 
as to conserve much of the power that is now running to 
waste over the dam. 

A mile or more from West Hopkinton is a pond fed by 
springs and its bottom is of clear white sand. This would 
make an excellent water supply for the town, and its head 
is several hundred feet higher than the town. 

Fertile farms which could produce the necessary food 
supply surround this place so equipped by Nature and so 
ideal a location for a larger growth. 

Hobc Ht <£bentttie 

By Florence Louise Bush 

"Love" came to me at eventide, 

Garbed in pure robe of white; 

A vision fair and beautiful, 

That filled me with delight. 

I felt my heart go out to her, 

Nor sought the fact to hide; 

And thus it was ''Love" came to me, 

At peaceful eventide. 

''Love" came to me at eventide, 

Glad smiles wreathed her face; 

I opened wide my arms to her, 

In loving, fon r > embrace. 

The memory of th it fond caress, 

Must with me e'er abide; 

And thus it was "Love"' came to me, 

At peaceful eventide. 

"Love" came to be at eventide, 

And on my lips she pressed, 

A soft, sweet kiss, replete with love, 

And innate tenderness. 

The soothing influence of that kiss, 

Nor would I be denied; 

And thus it was "Love" came to me, 

At peaceful eventide. 

*'Love" came to me at eventide, 
As sank the sun to rest; 
And told me that of all God's gifts, 
Love surely was most bless'd. 
For evermore within my heart, 
•Will "Love," sweet love reside; 
A welcomed guest, the guest that came 
To me at eventide. 



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Ctamt)le£ in l©!j t tt ler =Hanb 

By Martin W. Hoyt 

"To him who in the love of nature holds 
Communion with her visible forms, she speaks 
A various language.*' 

— William Cullen Bryant. 

€J£ LL great poets have been pre-eminently lovers of na- 
2~jj ture from the days of "Scio's blind old bard" down 
f^*^ to the present age, and the infallible guage of each 
one's greatness has ever been the exactness and vividness 
with which he has depicted nature's constantly varying 

Every real lover of nature, with the ability to put him- 
self in touch with her inner teachings, and her veiled in- 
spirations, is, in a way, a poet, albeit he may never, in a 
lifetime, have even so much as conceived the idea of framing 
a single line of metered language. All persons of poetic 
temperament have the faculty of perception, but all are 
not alike expressive. Very few are they upon whom the 
"silver tongue" has been bestowed with anything like un- 
stinted lavishness. 

Bryant was notedly able to come at the spirit of nature, 
insomuch as to be frequently, nay even commonly, spoken 
of as Nature's poet, and not many degrees behind him in 
this respect we meet with John G. Whittier, "Poet of the 
Merrimack, and of the People." 

It is often said that his environments make the individ- 
ual, but I do not think this can be true; but environments 
certainly do always act as a powerful agent in developing 
the innate and characteristic genius which nature has 
stamped upon each and every man of note. 

The environments of Whittier were most admirably 


fitted to make him the child of nature and the brother of 
his fellow-man. Cradled in a rustic glen somewhat remote 
from any thickly settled centre, passing his childhood and 
early boyhood with little but the unmarred voices of nature 
to fall upon his attentive ear, Whittier advanced through 
the stages of life up to early manhood in an unrestricted 
round of delicious absorption of all those essential elements 
which later on enabled him to pour out upon the world 
grand and noble ideas with so much of zeal and fervor. 

If solitude was essential to his development it is cer- 
tain that this feature was not lacking in his surroundings; 
for in the time of his boyhood no neighbor's dwelling was 
to be seen from his home, and the same may said of it to- 
day. Nestled among the hills nearby the spot where, four 
generations previous to the poet's birth, the first sturdy 
Whittier had choosen to carve out with his axe a home in 
the primeval wilderness, it lies now as it lay then, saving 
that the vast forest has vanished, while grass grown fields 
and open grazing grounds have taken its place. 

Little though there may have been in the immediate 
neighborhood of young Whittier's home likely to arouse 
into action his poetic instinct, yet it was not a great dis- 
tance to that far-famed gem of the valley, that beauteous 
sylvan dream, the Merrimack River. Herein lay all that 
was needful to call forth the best that was in the poet. 
Here were the Pierian springs of his genius, and here be- 
side this silver ribbon lying in the lap of the green mead- 
ows were the oft-frequented haunts where he dreamed and 
communed with nature until the music latent within him 
burst into audible song. Some of his dreams he has be- 
queathed to us clothed in the garb of verse immortal. 

Whittier loved the Merrimack. He drank deeply of 
the inspiration it offered him, and in return for what it 
gave him he has rendered it celebrated down to the last 
syllable of recorded time. How much he loved it may be 
inferred when he sings: 


"Home of my fathers' — I have stood 
Where Hudson rolled his lordly flood; 
Seen sunrise rest and sunset fade 
Along his frowning Palisade; 
Looked down the Apalachian peak 
On Juniata's silver streak; 
Have seen along his valley gleam 
The Mohawk's softly winding stream; 
The level light of sunset shine 
Through broad Potomac's hem of pine; 
And autumn's rainbow-tinted banner 
Hang lightly o'er the Susquehanna; 
Yet, wheresoe'er his step might be 
Thy wandering child looked back to thee! 
Heard in his dreams thy river's sound 
Of murmuring on his pebbly bound." 

— The Merrimack. 

How deeply he regretted the marring of its pristine 
beauty and the sacrifice of its poetry to modern industrial 
demands is voiced in a few lines from "The Bridal of Pen- 

"O Stream of the Mountains! if answer of thine 
Could rise from thy waters to question of mine, 
Methinks through the din of thy thronged banks a moan 
Of sorrow would swell for the days which have gone. 

"Not for thee the dull jar of the loom and the wheel, 
The gliding of shuttles, the ringing of steel; 
But that old voice of waters, of bird and of breeze, 
The dip of the wild-fowl, the rustling of trees." 

• To-day it is given us to wander where he wandered, for 
he has left the wherewith to guide our footsteps, and if we 
cannot dream his dreams we can at least read of them that 
which he has left to us. This we shall do if we love nature 
and nature's true children — the poets. If we love Whittier 
what keener delight can there be than, with our treasured 
volume of his poems in hand, to trace out his favorite walks 
by the river side or through the "remembered groves" or 
beside the lakelet with sunlight glinting o'er its waters, try- 
ing in our poor way to enter into his thoughts? 


Let us give our attention for a brief time to Rocks 
Village, the scene of some of his best loved poems. 

"Over the wooded northern ridge, 
Between the houses brown, 
To the dark tunnel of the bridge 
The street comes straggling down. 

"You catch a glimpse through birch and pine, 
Of gable, roof and porch, 
The tavern with its swinging sign, 
The sharp horn of the church. 

"The river's steel-blue crescent curves 
To meet in ebb and flow, 
The single broken wharf that serves 
For sloop and gundelow. 

"You hear the pier's low undertone 
Of waves that chafe and gnaw; 
You start — a skipper's horn is blown 
To raise a creaking draw. 

"A place for idle eyes and ears, 
A cobwebbed nook of dreams; 
Left by the stream whose waves are years 
The stranded village seems." 

— The Countess. 

How many, many times, have I passed over that ridge 
and between the houses brown! Unhappily the growth of 
wood has now largely disappeared, and the poetry well- 
nigh gone out of the "dark tunnel of the bridge," for one- 
half the old wooden structure has been removed, and a 
graceful iron fabric has taken its place. The West New- 
bury portion is still standing as in days of yore, but time 
will eventually demand its removal, too. No longer can one 

"Hear the pier's low undertone 
Of waves that chafe and gnaw." 

The rippling of the current above the stone work is audible 
enough, but it is not now that peculiar, low, pensive moan 
which formerly the long reverberating tunnel bore to the 
ear. The river's "steel-blue crescent" still curves as in 

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the poet's time, but no longer ''meets, in ebb and flow, the 
single broken wharf that serves for sloop and gundelow." 
At low tide a few blackened and mouldering timbers pro- 
truding from the river bed serve to mark the former site of 
this wharf, and nothing more of it now remains. 

This bridge spanning the stream at "Rocks Village" 
serves as a species of pleasure resort for the villagers. 
Here, upon its broad deck, they love to linger, and saunter 
and watch the steamer Merrimack, laden with her human 
freight, as she glides easily through the draw on her way 
from the city to the sea, or from the sea to the city. Here 
the younger element of the community sometimes gathers 
to ride upon the draw as it slowly turns on its massive 
foundation to admit the passing of the plying craft. At 
the sunset hour the river here is liberally dotted with mo- 
tor boats, a numerous fleet of which has rendezvous at 
Haverhill city. 

Some miles below this, and nearer the vicinity of Ames- 
bury, there is a riverside scene of remarkable beauty to be 
enjoyed when one can be so fortunate as to catch nature in 
the proper mood. 

Whittier makes mention of it in his poem, "The 
River Path." 

"No bird-song floated down the hill, 
The tangled bank below was still; 

"No rustle from the birchen stem, 
No ripple from the water's hem. 

"The dusk of twilight round us grew, 
We felt the falling of the dew; 

Tor, from us, ere the day was done, 
The wooded hills shut out the sun. 

"But on the river's further side 
We saw the hill-tops glorified. 

U A tender glow, exceeding fair, 
A dream of day without its glare. 

"With us the damp, the chill, the gloom: 
With them the sunset's rosy bloom; 


"While dark, through willowy vistas seen, 
The river rolled in shade between. 

"Sudden our pathway turned from night; 
The hills sprang open to the light; 

•'Through their green gates the sunshine showed, 
A long, slant splendor downward flowed. 

"Down glade and glen and bank it rolled; 
It bridged the shaded-stream with gold; 

"And, borne on piers of mist, allied 
The shadowy with the sunlit side!" 

It is a scene of indescribable beauty to see the rising 
slopes of Newbury thus suddenly flooded with all the 
glories of a golden summer sunset while the enthralled spec- 
tator stands immersed in the shadow of the heights on the 
Amesbury side of the stream. Even Whittier himself has 
not been able adequately to depict its charms in his word 
picture. This river path is easy to find and follow, and 
there is no difficulty in picking out the identical spot where 
the poet must have been to conceive his verse, while row- 
ing near the sunset hour. 

The Merrimack river is, indeed, a veritable dream in 
itself — a thing of beauty all the way from Haverhill city 
down to the sea. At times, when the air is quiet, and the 
tide, having reached the limit of its flow, pauses for a brief 
period ere it begins to recede, the water's surface becomes 
a vast and glittering sheen, a flawless reflector, mirroring 
back with perfect fidelity the green, grassy fields sloping 
down to the river's' very brink on either bank, as well as 
the blue vault of overarching sky flecked with here and 
there a fleecy cloud. 

There are many places of interest to the student of Whit- 
tier in East Haverhill, that section of the township now for- 
ever celebrated as the envied birthplace of the "Quaker 
Poet." Here may be seen the old home of the gentle, beauti- 
ful village maiden who married the exiled Gascon Count, to 
be in few short months borne by sorrowing friends to Green- 


wood Cemetery, where now for a century she has been 
sleeping away the last, long sleep on a beautiful river ter- 
race. A protecting iron grating guards the slab marking 
her resting place from the depredations of vandal hands, 
for the poet has immortalized the home of the living and 
that of the dead girl until many curious visitors visit both 
each year, all anxious to bear away with them some souve- 
nir of the spot. 

"Her rest is quiet on the hill, 
Beneath the locust bloom: 
Far off her lover sleeps as still 
Within his scutcheoned tomb. 

"The Gascon lord, the village maid, 
In love still clasp their hands; 
The love that levels rank and grade 
Unites their severed lands. 

"What matter whose the hillside grave 
Or whose the blazoned stone? 
Forever to her western wave 
Shall whisper blue Garonne! 

"And while ancestral pride shall twine 
The Gascon's tomb with flowers, 
Fall sweetly here, O song of mine, 
With summer's bloom and showers." 

— The Countess. 

To those who may care to read it, the poem, "The 
Countess," will tell the tale. 

On a little plain, something like half a mile from the 
river, stands the Old Garrison House, a grim and forbid- 
ding structure, relic of that former perilous period when 
the "painted demons" of the forest were wont to make 
nights a terror with their slaughters and burnings. To-day 
it stands in very much the same condition as when it 
afforded shelter to the helpless women and frightened 
children driven from their homes by the ruthless savage. 
Whether it was ever the scene of a midnight attack by the 
Indians, I have been unable to learn. I have often 


wondered why Whittier has made no mention of the place. 
He may have done so, but there is nothing extant, so far as 
I know. On a calm and peaceful evening it is sometimes a 
pleasure to stroll around the old structure and try to pic- 
ture the scene when the wild wilderness was all about on 
every hand, and no one knew at what moment the red 
fiends might fall upon him out of its depths. Speaking of 
those times of the early settlements, the poet says: 

"Behind, unbroken, deep and dread, 
The wild, untraveled forest spread, 
Back to those mountains, white and cold, 
Of which the Indian trapper told, 
Upon whose summits never yet 
Was mortal foot in safety set," 

meaning, of course, the White Mountains. 

Though he has given us nothing about the Garrison 
House, he has sketched a vivid picture of a midnight massa- 
cre, occurring only a few miles away from 'it, when the set- 
tlement at Pentucket lay one night buried in peaceful and 
unsuspecting sleep. 

"What forms were those which darkly stood 
Just on the margin of the wood? — 
Charred tree-stumps in the moonlight dim, 
Or paling rude, or leafless limb? 
No — through the trees fierce eyeballs glowed 
Dark human forms in moonshine showed, 
Wild from their native wilderness, 
With painted limbs and battle dress! 

"The morning sun looked brightly through 
The river willows, wet with dew. 
No sound of combat filled the air, — 
No shout was heard, — nor gunshot there: 
Yet still the thick and sullen smoke 
From smouldering ruins slowly broke; 
And on the greensward many a stain, 
And here and there, the mangled slain, 
Told how that midnight bolt had sped. 
Pentucket, on thy fated head." 

( To be Continued.) 



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3!n ^tase=Coacf) ^aps 

By George Waldo Browne 


From Post-Riders to Mail-Coaches 

O more varied or picturesque type of earning a live- 
lihood could be found than the post-riders; and 
the experience of any one of them, spiced with 
the anecdotes of their acquaintance and seasoned with the 
hardships of their long drives, would fill a volume. 

One of the most successful of New England post- 
riders was Ginery Twitchell of Worcester, Mass., later 
President of the Boston & Worcester Railroad, and then 
elected to the United States Congress. In the midst of 
the great national excitement during the Mexican War, 
when an invasion of Texas was threatened, a steamer from 
Liverpool arrived in Boston January 23, 1846, with import- 
ant documents upon which President Polk was expected to 
base his plans. Anticipating these facts, the leading New 
York papers had arranged two lines of express riders to 
get the news to them as quickly as possible. Both these 
riders were to go to Worcester by train, and there sepa- 
rate, one traveling by way of Hartford and the other by 
Norwich, Conn. Ginery Twitchell was selected to go by 
Hartford, and this indomitable rider showed that he had 
prepared for even snowstorms by having relays of horses 
at every ten miles beyond Worcester. 

The wisdom of his forethought was apparent when 
the train pulled into the station and it was learned that the 
roads were blocked with snow, while it was still storming. 
Nothing daunted, the gallant post-riders left the cars and 
mounting their waiting horses rode bravely away on their 



long journeys. Despite the drifted and drifting snows the 
doughty veteran, Ginery Twitchell, pursued his laborious 
course, making the frequent change of horses he had 
planned, always finding them in readiness for him, so that 
he reached Hartford, a distance of sixty-four miles, in three 
hours and twenty minutes. Leaving a budget of news 
there, he kept on without stopping to recruit, to reach 
New York four hours ahead of his rival, who made a de- 
termined effort to win, and who was no mean competitor. 

A notable achievement of a post-rider was that of Rev. 
John Whitman, who rode across the continent with an ap- 
peal to our government to save the Northwest country to 
the United States. The great political question then be- 
fore the people was the fixing of the international bound- 
ary line on the north between this country and Great 
Britain. It was thought by many that it might involve the 
two countries in war, and it came near to doing so when dur- 
ing the campaign which resulted in the election of James K. 
Polk for President, the rallying cry was "54-40 or fight !" 

Under the treaty of 1842 the northwestern boundary 
was fixed at the east base of the Rocky Mountains on the 
forty-fifth parallel. The continuation of this line to the 
Pacific would have given Great Britain the entire state of 
Washington and the valley of the Columbia River. Mr. 
Webster was then Secretary of State and he fell into the 
grave error of thinking that this rich country was worth 
but little to us. Accordingly he was willing to make con- 
cession of this territory in order to avoid war and save a 
few fishing rights. Mr. Whitman started on horseback 
and alone to bear the petition of a handful of people to be 
saved to the Union. He arrived in Washington in Octo- 
ber, and immediately sought Mr. Webster, who listened to 
his vivid account with wonder. 

"Oregon?" he asked vaguely, "why, we are about to 
trade it off for some cod-fisheries !" 

The appeal of the missionary post-rider was opportune 
and successful. The interest of the Great Expounder was 


quickly enlisted, and our "Grand New Northwest," as it 
was soon styled, was saved to us. 

The routes of the post-riders could be traced by the 
notices in the local papers. The newspapers and packages 
were carried in large saddle-bags, and the letters in a pouch 
slung over the shoulder of a rider. Merchants not infre- 
quently employed them to carry their articles, and it was 
not uncommon for them to take along horses for delivery 
at certain places. They usually bestrode animals worthy 
of their own mettle. 

Fault-finders were as common in the days of post-rid- 
ers as since, and no doubt were just as human. At least 
not all postmen met with popular favor, and prior to the 
Revolution it was said of one Peter Mumford, the rider 
from Boston to Newport, R. I., that he not only started out 
late, dallied on the way, but that he often fell asleep! 
It was charged of another that he allowed his Whig friends 
to open and read the letters during a political campaign. It 
was described of the scene along the route from Charles- 
town to Wilmington that "death is painted in the counte- 
nances of those you meet." 

In 1775 the colonists were driven to their wit's end to 
maintain a system of mail distribution. The provincial 
congress of Massachusetts in May, 1775, established a postal 
system of fourteen offices at its own expense. The head- 
quarters was at Cambridge, and the route extended as far 
north as Falmouth, Me. Portsmouth was included in this 
system. Beyond Falmouth the post-riders were paid by 
congress. The average distance covered by one of these 
postmen was from thirty to fifty miles in summer and about 
one-half this in winter. 

A pleasant and characteristic story is told of the post- 
boys of the old school by S. Baring Gould, in his account 
of one George Spurle, which I cannot do better than to in- 
corporate in my rambling narrative: 

Like every other postboy old George loved his horses. 
There was one gray mare of which he was especially fond. 


One night she got her halter twisted about her neck and 
was found strangled. George Spurle sat down and cried. 
The landlord endeavored to comfort him. 

"George," said he, "don't take on so. After all, it was 
only a horse. Now if you had lost a wife — " 

"Ah, maister," replied the postboy, "wives ! One has 
but to hold up the finger and they'd come flying to y' 
from all sides — more than you could accommodate; but a 
hoss, and such a mare as this — booh !" and he burst into 

The secret of his affection for the horse came out long 
after. Some of us asked him if he had ever been robbed on 
the road. 

"I'll just tell y', gentlemen. There was some bullion 
to be sent up to London from Falmouth. I knowed noth- 
ing about it, and drove up with a closed carriage to pick 
up a gentleman at Tavistock. I hadn't got half way across 
the moors, when I was stopped by a man on horseback, 
with his face blackened. He leveled a pistol at my head, so 
I pulled up. 

"In a rough voice he asked me who was in the chaise. 
'No one/ said I. 'But there's something,' said he. 'The 
cushions,' said I. 'Get down,' said he, 'and hold my hoss, 
you rascal, while I search the chaise.' 'I'm at your service,' 
said I, and I took his horse by the bridle, and as I passed 
my hand along I felt that there were saddlebags. 

"Well, that highwayman opened the chaise door and 
went in to overhaul things, and meantime I undid the 
traces of my horses with one hand and held the highway- 
man's horse with the other. 

"Presently he put his head out and said, 'there's noth- 
ing within; I must search behind.' 'You've plenty of time,' 
said I, and so saying, I leaped into his saddle and shouted, 
'Gee up and along, Beauty and Jolly Boy !' and spurred his 
horse, and away I galloped with the stage horses a-gallop- 
ing after me, and we never stayed till we got to Chudleigh. 

' "And the saddlebags?" ' 


"There was a lot of money in them, but there's my 
luck. That fellow had robbed a serge-maker, and he went 
and claimed it all and gave me a guinea and the highway- 
man's hoss; and that same hoss, gentlemen, is the old gray 
mare as folks ha' laughed at me for crying over. Now it 
was a coorious sarcumstance that that there highwayman 
went scot-free and the poor innocent gray was hanged." 

George Spurle lived to old age. He fell ill suddenly, 
and died before any one in town suspected his danger. 
But he had no doubt in his own mind that the sickness 
would end fatally, and he had asked one day to see the 
landlady of the inn. 

"Beg pardon, ma'am," he said, from his bed, touching 
his forelock. "Very sorry I han't shaved for two days, and 
you should see me thus. But please, ma'am, if it's no of- 
fence, be you wan tin' that there yellow jacket any more? 
It seems to me postboys is gone out altogether." 

"No, George, I certainly don't want it." 

"Nor these? You'll certainly understand me, ma'am, 
if I don't mention 'em?" 

"No, George." 

•'Nor that there old white beaver? I did my best, but 
it's a bit rubbed." 

"I certainly don't need it." 

"Thank you, ma'am. Then may I make so bold, 
might I be buried in em' as the last of the old postboys?" 

The first stage coach in this country was inaugurated 
by John Ward well, proprietor of the Orange Tree Inn, 
Boston, and was a line running from his tavern to Provi- 
dence, (?) Rhode Island. This was opened for travel May 
I3i 171 8, and three years later a road-wagon was run over 
this same route. This line must have flourished, for in 1734 
we find two stage-coaches advertised in the Boston papers 
to run on this road. 

In 1784, when the post-road had become somewhat of 
a back number, Capt. Levi Pease, a Connecticut farmer, 
established a regular stage line between Hartford and 


Boston, which line was extended later to New York. 
Captain Pease afterwards removed to Shrewsbury, near 
Worcester, Mass., where he became the moving spirit of 
the new enterprise, stage-driving. He may be credited 
with being the '-Father of the Turnpike," as in 1808, 
through his energy and enterprise, the first Massachusetts 
turnpike was laid out, running from Boston to Worcester. 

A great stride in the advancement of the postal sys- 
tem was inaugurated in 1753, when Benjamin Franklin was 
made deputy-postmaster for the American Colonies. 
Franklin had already shown his capacity and interest in 
this direction through his management of the postal affairs 
of Pennsylvania. During his first year of the office he 
made a personal tour of the country, visiting every post- 
office in the colony except that at Charleston, S. C. He 
not only inspected the routes already established, but he 
planned and laid out new ones, He rode in a chaise with 
a registering wheel attached, marking the distance made, 
men going with him to set up mile-posts on the "Old 
Road" or "King's Highway." It is interesting to note 
that no salary was fixed to the office, but Mr. Franklin, and 
also Mr. William Hunter, who was associated with him in 
the work, were to receive six hundred pounds if they could 
get it out of the profits of the department. For the first 
four years they run behind nine hundred pounds, but from 
that time on it not only paid them but yielded to Great 
Britain considerable profit. On account of his sympathy 
with the colonies Franklin was dismissed from his office of 
deputy-postmaster-general January 31, 1774. 

He visited Portsmouth and established routes wholly 
or in part in New Hampshire. 

James Franklin, a brother of Benjamin, was made post- 
master of Boston in 1754, and he had his office in his house 
on Cornhill. 

Post-riders and postmasters, by an act of the General 
Court, were exempt from military duty July 5, 1777. 


The evolution of the stage-coach forms an interesting 
bit of history. It will be noticed we have already spoken 
of the stage-coach and the road-wagon. In 1767 a line of 
conveyance was established between Boston and Salem, 
known as the "StageChaise." The vehicles used on shorter 
routes seemed to have been generally known as the "Stage- 
Coach," "stage-wagon." Boston was connected in 1872 
with Marblehead by a carriage transportation called "the 

Even this was outdone by Bartholomew Stavers, who 
in May, 1763, announced that his "Flying Stage-Coach" 
was running with four and six horses and that he would 
take passengers from Portsmouth, N. H., to Boston for 
13s. 6d., including fare "at good inns on the way where 
good entertainment and attendance are provided for the 
passengers in the coach." This coach could carry six per- 
sons inside. 

As a matter of fact, Mr. Stavers had opened a line to 
Boston with the following advertisement in April: 

"For the Encouragement of Trade from Portsmouth 
to Boston 


With two good horses, well equipped, will be ready by 
Monday the 20th inst. to start out from Mr. Stavers, inn- 
holders, at the Sign of the Earl of Halifax, in this town to 
perform once a week; to lodge at Ipswich the same night; 
from thence through Medford to Charlestown Ferry; to 
tarry at Charlestown till Thursday morning, so as to return 
to this town the next day; to set out again on the Monday 
following: It will be contrived to carry four persons besides 
the driver. In case only two persons go they may be ac- 
commodated to carry things of bulk and value to make a 
third or fourth person. The price will be Thirteen shil- 
lings and sixpence sterling for each person from hence to 
Boston, and at the same rate of conveyance back again; 


though under no obligation to return in the same week in 
the same manner. 

"Those who would not be disappointed must- enter 
their names at Mr. Stavers on Saturday, any time before 
nine o'clock in the evening, and pay half at entrance, the 
remainder at the end of the journey. Any gentleman may 
have business transacted at Newbury or Boston with fidel- 
ity and despatch, on reasonable terms. 

"As ladies and gentlemen are often at a loss for good 
accommodations for traveling from hence, and can't return 
in less than three weeks or a month, it is hoped that this 
undertaking will meet with suitable encouragement, as they 
will be wholly freed from the care and charge of keeping 
chairs and horses, or returning before they have finished 
their business." 

Bartholomew Stavers, who must be considered as the 
pioneer stage-driver in New Hampshire, or northern New- 
England for that matter, seems to have come to Ports- 
mouth, with his brother John in 1755. He was a very en- 
ergetic man, described as being rather below medium 
height, with a florid countenance. As has been shown, his 
stages were started from his brother's stable at "The Earl 
of Halifax" inn, on what was then called Queen's street, 
since changed to State street. It is needless to say that 
the opening of this stage route was an event equal to the 
opening of a railroad in the four-score years to follow. Hith- 
erto there had been no means of public passage anywhere 
in the state. Mr. Stavers inherited a strong love for his 
native land, and he looked upon the movements of the dis- 
contented colonists as uncalled for and likely to bring the 
necks of the "rebels" to the halter. In this frame of mind 
he returned to England in December, 1774, leaving his wife 
and unborn son behind. He never came back to this coun- 
try, and thus he never saw his son Willliam born after his 

( To be Conduced.) 


No. XI 






! 1 






Character Sketches 

"The Clock Tinker" 


OT MANY years since it was no infrequent 
sight to see a solitary wayfarer plodding slowly 
and laboriously along the roads of our country 
towns, freighted down with an enormous bundle 
on his back. So big and bulky was this load sometimes 
that it seemed a wonder one small man could stand under it, 
much more carry it for miles over the hills whither wound the 
road. But it was not as heavy as it looked, it may be, 
and the carrier had become used to bearing his burden. So let 
the weather be hot or cold, the day long or short, he did not 
fail in his regular round of calls, until at last came the day 
which failed to send him forth. 

With this traveling peddler was another class quite as 
well known and fully as much looked for as he. This was 
the traveling repairer of the time-pieces of the rural homes, 
the "clock tinker," in common parlance. He, too, carried his 
burden, which consisted chiefly of a kit of tools needed in his 
craft; he, too, was good-natured, and was the vender of the 
gossip of the hour, which he had picked up in his wander- 
ings. These two, the pack-peddler and the clock tinker, were 
in a way the daily- -no, the occasional papers of the times. 

By this it must not be supposed their duties were of slight 
importance. Far from it. There was the old wcoden clock 
in the corner, the clock grandfather had made, which needed 
occasional attention So he was always certain to receive a 
warm welcome, and a generous patronage. At least suffi- 
cient patronage to meet the demands of his frugal habits. 

We remember two or three of this class. One was kindly 
known as "Old Crombie." He was a silent, taciturn man; 
tall, with stooping shoulders, a countenance that had little 

claims to good looks, but was withal kindly. It was said by 
those who had succeeded in obtaining his confidence that 
he had taken to the road on account of an opposition of his 
parents to his marriage with the girl of his choice He was 
heir apparent to a good fortune; she was poor, except in her 
beauty and womanly grace For more than two-score years 
Old Crombie came and went, as regularly as the pendulum 
of the old clocks he repaired with loving care ticked the min- 
utes into hours; and then there came a season when he failed 
to come Some said he had gone to the home of his child- 
hood, to spend his remaining years in idleness and comfort. 
Aunt Jenny, whom we knew as a boy and who knew him 
well, shook her head, declaring that "Old Crombie was dead." 
We still like to think that he was not unfaithful at the last to 
his early love. 

It was not long before in his steps came another called in 
the same kindly spirit, "Old Greene." Sometimes we wonder 
why, when we wish to speak reverently of one, we apply 
that adjective. Is it because we love old age so well? Let it 
be as it may, Uncle Greene has now laid aside his kit, and gone 
where clocks are supposed to be perpetual, if neeeed at all. 
Peace to his ashes; ay, peace to the ashes of the little army of 
clock tinkers that once were such familiar figures in New 

Now that leads the reader to infer that they are known 
no more. We did not mean just that. Mr. French, in 
painting the life-like picture we are giving, fortunately found 
one of the craft, who gladly posed for the artist. Had the lat- 
ter cared to turn his subject, so as to bring his strong profile 
into view, many of you would doubtless recognize him, for he 
still plies his vocation; still pursues his route over the hills and 
through the valleys of New Hampshire, though not regularly 
as the others mentioned. We know him, as typical of his 
class, good-natured, easy-going, faithful to his task, the same 
imperturable caller at your hearthstone if you employ him or 
not. Long may he live to ply his vocation, if the last not the 
least of his fellow craftsmen. 

Cfje editor's TOntioto 

Uegenb of OfjoSt IfoHoto 

William C. Walker, "Uncle Billy," as his friends know 
him, vouches for the truth of the following o'er true tale of 
Thornton, situated at the gateway of Franconia Notch. 
Even if there is a vein of fancy in the story, it has proved 
good enough to outlive the memory of more than one gen- 
eration. The time was when the village tavern was kept 
by one Moody Elliott, something of a wag as well as a 
cheery boniface. In his employ was a young man by the 
name of Richard Dustin, the Christian part shortened to 

It so happened, and we do not know why it should have 
been different, that Dick had a girl he used to call upon as 
often as once a week. As this fair damsel lived in a remote 
section known as Mad River settlement, the lover had a 
good long distance to go in order to pay his court to the 
object of his affection. But Love's miles are short, and 
the journey never seemed overlong to the young man. 

The landlord proposed to a friend that they treat Dick 
to a surprise, thinking perhaps it would serve to keep the 
lover from falling asleep after his long vigil by the side of 
his sweetheart. It was a sleepy place, known in local par- 
lance as "The Valley of Contempt," where this plotter and 
his confederate planned to waylay Dick. Why this old 
maidish name was given it, even Uncle Billy did not ex- 
plain. It might have been called "Blind Man's Gulf," or 
some other hair-raising title. But we will not dwell upon 
that matter. 

Promptly at the time when it was expected that Dick 
would be returning, Mine Host and his companion, one 


•238 the editor's window 

Tilston Blaisdell, were on hand at the valley. The last- 
named had robbed his own bed of the sheet, and this ghostly 
raiment he had pulled about him until his bulky form 
loomed in the dim starlight like the spectre of Hamlet's 
father. So weird did his companion look to him, the inn-keep- 
er, who had helped to deck out the other in his grave clothes, 
could scarcely look upon him without a shiver. He carried 
a lantern, carefully concealed under a thick blanket, and a 
cow bell, intending to flash the first in the face of the ter- 
rified Dick, while he awoke the silence of the dismal woods 
with the sonorous reverberations of the latter. They were 
satisfied that they had laid their plans well. All that they 
waited for was the victim. 

For him they;waited long. Far away a nightbird fin- 
ished its song ere he came. A lonely owl hooted dismally 
and became silent. The hour when the forest folk, the 
elfins and naiads, are supposed to people the woods, passed 
without further disturbance than the creaking of a couple 
of boughs in a distant pine as they rubbed elbows in the 
space between the darkness of earth and sky. He in ghostly 
attire muttered something under his breath that proved 
he was a ghost of a very depraved mind. Perhaps he was 
thinking of the reception he should receive when he re- 
turned to meet his spouse, who might be even then turning 
the house topsy-turvy in her wild search for the missing 

But hark ! It must have been two o'clock when the 
steady tread of iron-shod feet aroused the sleepy twain to a 
sense of their purpose in being in that unhallowed spot at 
that unreasonable hour. 

"It's Dick," muttered the inn-keeper, "and I do believe 
he is asleep on his hoss. Are ye ready, Tilt?" 

The horse must have have scented danger, for it sud- 
denly pricked up its ears, and snorted. This awoke the 
rider to the realization that something was amiss. And as 
he wondered, lo ! a white-robed figure sprang in front of him 
and a voice, had he not been so frightened he must have 
recognized, bawled: 

the editor's window 239 

"I am the devil and I've come for you!" 

Dick gave an unearthly yell, and struck at the spectral 
form in his pathway with his huge cotton umbrella. This 
shows that he was a fellow of good metal. But this would- 
%e defence with the umbrella proved his undoing. Instead 
of becoming a weapon of use in his hand, the wings of the 
thing opened right and left, until they fairly enveloped him. 
Frightened at this unexpected development, the horse 
started forward at a wild pace, and with Dick shouting at 
the top of his lungs "whoa ! whoa !" and the umbrella flut- 
tering in the air, it quickly vanished in the night, leaving a 
badly scared "ghost" rolling in the dirt and a man with a 
lantern trying to find out just what had happened. 

Dick reached the tavern not entirely composed in his 
mind, yet glad he had escaped his terrible enemy. The 
others came later, or possibly it might have been called 
earlier in the day. Of course Dick a few days later told of 
his startling experience in the valley, the facts of his wild 
ride losing nothing in his telling. He believed he was tell- 
ing the truth. So there are many to-day who repeat the 
stirring account in all sincerity. In time the inn-keeper and 
his friend ventured to assert the part they played, but 
somehow Dick's story had a stronger hold. Perhaps peo- 
ple like better the weird and mysterious than the common- 
place. At a^iy rate the Valley of Contempt, ever since 
that night, has been known as "Ghost Hollow." 

Coton histories; 

The Lancaster Gazette touches upon a subject that is 
so nearly what we would like to say, that we are going to 
quote it here, with the suggestion that if any one will send 
us a complete list of town histories to date, we will print it. 

"Why is it that some of our literary people do not make 
more of an effort to get into print some of those vastly 

240 the editor's window 

important records before the old timers move on? The 
story of every town in the state ought to be printed now. 
Population is changing so fast that every year adds to the 
difficulty of collecting information, as old people die and 
leave no descendants living in the state. 

"Few have the patience for research work along this 
line. Burrowing among the yellowing archives is not pop- 
ular among most writers. Yet to those who know them, 
these old records are full of human interest. 

"The most routine appearing minutes of old town meet- 
ings, church and society organizations, often yield material 
for fascinating pictures of the life that was lived around 
here many years ago. To the few who love such explora- 
tion, it must be as fascinating as the finding of strange 
scenes in a foreign land. It is probable that the life of 
Coos county to-day differs more from its life in the days of 
the first settlers, than the life of our town of to-day differs 
from the life of the Breton peasant of France, or of the 
Latin quarter of Paris. 

"But one must admit that is hard work studying the 
old records, peculiarly on the eyes. Where writers are will- 
ing to undertake such labor, they ought to be offered a good 
fair payment by state or towns, so that they should not 
have to assume all the risks of publication." 

What the early histories call "Concession Roads," 
were really not roads in the direct meaning of the word. 
They were wide avenues cut through the forest so as to 
dviide the lots of respective settlers. Incidentally they fre- 
quently became courses of travel, but as a whole they proved 
too expensive to maintain. The young growth soon sprang 
up, and the passage soon became lost in the wilderness. A 
few, however, became the originals of what are still known 
in Canada as Concession Roads. 


Illustrations From Oakes' White Mountain Scenery 



Mr. William Oakes, who was the originator and compiler of "Scenery of 
the White Mountains," was not himself an artist, but he was an author of a 
work upon the lichens of the White Mountains, and it was while investigating 
this subject that he conceived the idea of the work from which the following illus- 
trations were taken. Unfortunately he was drowned in the summer of the year 
his book appeared. 

- &ii. Sd 


i •, 

* . 




-- ; 

fcV"-": -" 






&& . f 

£».'<, .- -.' 

'-■ . 



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. — > .:-■•'"' - . .V:.. ^ \.&& 

From a Painting by Isaac Sprague. 1847 


; " 

Nancy's Rock 

rf^TARR KING, the prose poet of the White 
§^i Hills, is led to exclaim: "In Scotland a highland 
pass so wild and romantic as that from Upper 
Bartlett to the Crawford House, would be 
overhung with traditions along the whole winding wall 
of its wilderness; and legends that had been enshrined in 
song and ballad would be as plentiful as the streams 
that leap towards the Saco, down their rocky stairs. 
But no hill, no sheer battlement, no torrent that ploughs 
and drains the barriers of this narrow and tortuous glen, 
suggests any Indian Legend. One cascade, however, about 
half a mile from the former residence of old Abel Crawford, 
is more honored by the sad story associated with it than by 
the picturesqueness of the crags through which it hurries 
for the last mile or two of its descending course. It is 
called 'Nancy's Brook,' and the stage drivers show to the 
passengers the stone which is the particular monument of 
the tragedy, bearing the name of 'Nancy's Rock.' ' 

The story of the ill-fated Nancy is worthy of the po- 
etic treatment of a Whittier. Her name is also worthy of 
remembrance rrom the fact that she was the second woman 
to pass up through the Notch, as one of the family of Colonel 
Whipple, in the spring of 1776. Among Colonel Whipple's 
men servants was a young man who won her affections and 
promised to marry her. In order to make the necessary 
preparations for their wedding, he started on a journey back 
to Portsmouth, with the understanding that he should return 
as soon as possible. She not only placed explicit faith in 
her lover's word, but trusted him with her earnings for the 
previous two years' services in Colonel Whipple's family. 

Not long after he had departed she learned that he had 
boasted of the money he had got from her, and that he did 
not intend to return, — that he had been false to her. In 


From & Painting by Frankenstein 



her grief she resolved to follow him, and recover her hard- 
earned money if she did not win him back to her allegiance. 
It was more than thirty miles to the first house below the 
Notch, and as it was late in the season, her friends tried to 
dissuade her from starting. Believing that thev had accom- 
plished their purpose, and that she had abandoned such a 
dangerous journey, where there were only marked trees to 
guide her footsteps through the lonely country, the house- 
hold went about its duties. 

But the distracted girl had not been fully persuaded. 
By starting at once she believed she could overtake her rec- 
reant lover before he should have reached the Conway Inter- 
vales, and so she went away on her perilous mission. Snow 
had already fallen, and soon drenched by the wet bushes 
she plodded wearily along. The day was short, and as 
darkness closed in upon the mountain pass she wandered on 
through the night. At daybreak it appeared as if she had 
come upon his campfire, the embers of which were still 
burning, telling her that he could not be far ahead. Wet, 
cold and hungry, with tired limbs, but with a shadow of hope 
in her heart, she resumed her lonely pursuit. As no one 
ever listened to the story of her sufferings, of her illusions 
and her feelings of despair, as she advanced with benumbed 
feet and hands that refused to kindle the fire she fain 
would have started, it can only be imagined that she finally 
stumbled and fell at the foot of the rock which still bears 
her name, and near the stream still singing the sad refrain 
it sang on that wintrymorning one hundred and thirty-three 
years ago. 

Her friends had started in quest of her before morning 
and they found her lifeless body, with her head resting upon 
one hand, while the other still clasped the stout stick she 
had carried as a slight means of defense against wild beasts 
as well as a support in her tedious descent where only a 
sure foot could tread with safety. So great was the grief 
of her false lover upon hearing of her fate that, it is claimed, 
he lost his reason and died bemoaning her untimely death. 


The Hills of New Hampshire 

Illustration by S. E. Taylor 

O, beautiful hills of New Hampshire, 

Enrobed in their garment of green, 
And tinted by sunshine and shadow, 

Or veiled in a silvery sheen. 
We love their still, sweet resting places, 

Their forests of oak and of pine, 
Their wide and far-reaching horizons, 

Their visions of beauty divine. 

O, grand are the hills of New Hampshire, 
Uplifting their tops to the sky ; 

Dear emblems of strength all unfailing, 
That earth's storms and tempests defy. 

We, too, would be strong and enduring, 
Our faith reaching up to God's throne ; 


Our love reaching down to His children 
Who toil in life's valley alone. 

O, wonderful hills of New Hampshire! 

We fain would remain with them long; 
But duty awaits in the valley, 

And where duty calls, we belong. 
But memory's canvas shall give us 

Fair views of their loveliness still; 
And better the work in the valley, 

Because of the rest on the hill. 


Mt. Washington, Seen Over Tuckerman's Ravine 

The artist has chosen one of the wildest and grand- 
est views we get of the peerless mountain, and thrown 
about it the white drapery of the clouds driven by the wind. 
Tuckerman's Ravine is furrowed out of the side of the 
mountain, with ragged wails that are enormously steep. 
Where these meet at the bottom a silvery stream winds the 
entire length, at places leaping in thin layers rocky shelves 
and forming beautiful cascades. At its lower extremity 
are two small ponds, their shores formed by slides or 
gravel and granite that have filled the valley below. This 
ravine was named for Edward Tuckerman, a mountain 
climber and explorer, and who wrote several excellent 
works on the lichens of the mountains. 

Spaulding, in his "Relics of the White Mountains," 
denominates this vast amphitheatre as the "Mountain Coli- 
seum." "In one place 'Hermit's Lake,' set like a rich gem 
in its fanciful frame-work of changeless evergreen appears; 
and, stopping to enjoy the prospect, the idea of overwhelm- 
ing wonder rushes upon our spirit in this solitary spot. 
Across the little lake, high up among the rolling clouds, 
frowns Mount Washington, a view of which from this point 
strangely contrasts with the sparkling water and evergreen 
freshness of the surrounding woods. To the westward 
rises the craggy top of Mount Monroe, and upon all sides, 


except the outline of this little lake known as Crystal 
Stream, appear high, towering cliffs, rendered pictures of 
desolation by the deep, wide tracks of many an avalanche. 
Little spots of verdure, blasted shrubbery, and piles of 
granite fragments appear below, with the long snow bank and 
snow-arch, over all in bold relief against the sky, the mighty 
pile of mountains streaked by the silver threads of the 
famous fall of a thousand streams.'''' 

Above the ravine is the great alpine plain which lies 
on the southeast slope of Mount Washington, about twelve 
hundred feet below its summit, and affording one of the 
noblest views of alpine scenery in this country. It was up 
these declivities that some of the earliest explorers, Cutler, 
Gibbs, Bigelow, Boot and Peck, ascended the dangerous 
pathways of which they were the pioneers. Since their 
day the course of travel has changed; so few climb in their 
footsteps, but those are paid by beholding vistas of the 
mountain world unsurpassed for grandeur and variety 

;^v)i P 





Pioneers of Sagamore Creek 

By John M. Moses 

'HE lands bordering Sagamore Creek were very 
early occupied, as they were nearest and most 
inviting to the first settlers at Little Harbor. Its 
extensive salt marshes were especially prized, as they 
yielded without tillage a kind of hay on which cattle throve 
well, and the adjacent uplands were as good for cultivation 
as any in that not very fertile region. 

The largest and best farm, about 1660, was that of 
Thomas Walford. It consisted of some two hundred acres 
of marsh and upland at the head of the creek and was called 
Walford's Plantation. Its owner is said to have come from 
England, with his wife Jane, to Wessigusset in September, 
1623, with the Robert Gorges expedition. He was found 
by the Puritans, prior to 163 1, living at Charlestown, Mass., 
in "an English palisadoed and thatched house," and ban- 
ished by them for his Episcopalian tenets. He probably 
went immediately to Portsmouth, where Mason was col- 
lecting people, with a preference for those of Episcopal 
faith. A record of May 25, 1640, names him and Henry 
Sherburne as wardens of the Portsmouth Episcopal church. 
He held other important offices up to his death, which 
occurred in 1666 or 1667, when he was probably about 
seventy-five years old. His wife Jane, born by deposition 
about 1598, was living in 1669. 

His only son as appears from his will, was Jeremiah, 
who lived on the southwest part of Newcastle Island where 
he died April 1 1, 1660, leaving four small children, Thomas, 
Jeremiah, Mary and Martha. The sons died without issue, 
bringing the name to an end. Mary married Joseph Mazeet 
of Newcastle, and had a son Thomas. Martha married 




— More, and had sons John and Samuel, who were of 

York, Me., in 1735. 

The daughters of Thomas and Jane were Jane (Pever- 
ly, Goss,) Hannah (Jones, of Newcastle,) Mary (Brooking, 
Walker,) Elizabeth (Savage) and Martha (Hinckson, West- 

Daughter Jane, with husband, Thomas Peverly, had 
the farm next east on the south'side of the creek, on Pever- 
ly Hill, separated from the Walford farm by Peverly brook. 
This Thomas may have been son of a John Peverly said to 
have been sent over by Mason. He had seventy-five acres 
allotted him by the town in 1660. The site of his house 
can probably be located from a clause in Thomas Walford's 
will, which gives his grandson John Peverly "a point of 
marsh north of the creek, one-half an acre, lying before his 
father's door." This John, born by deposition about 1649, 
had younger brothers, Thomas, Lazarus, Samuel and Jere- 
miah, and sisters, Martha, Mary and Sarah, who married 
respectively Christopher Noble, John Holmes and Michael 
Hicks. Noble and Holmes were living in the vicinity in 

Daughter Martha Walford, born by deposition about 
1645, married, first, Thomas Hinckson. He died in June, 
1664, leaving an infant daughter Mary, who was living in 
1680. Martha married, second, before 1666, John West- 
brook and had a son John, who is mentioned in her father's 
will. Martha died before May 26, 1680. The Westbrooks 
had the farm next West of the Walford plantation, extend- 
ing up to the Parade at the Plains. In 1716 another son, 
Colonel Thomas, was licensed to keep the first public house 
at the Plains in consideration of his laying out six acres, 
the present Parade, for the use of the militia. He built the 
Waldron house, still standing, which was afterwards occu- 
pied by his son-in-law, Richard Waldron, secretary of the 

John Westbrook had by will from his grandfather 
Walford twenty acres off the north side of his plantation, 


separated from it by the brook that crosses Greenleaf Ave- 
nue, The Westbrooks had a landing on the creek at the 
mouth of this brook. East of this twenty-acre tract, across 
another brook, was upland and marsh of John and Mary 
Holmes. Next to this, easterly, on the north side of the 
creek, was upland and three acres of marsh of Mary Hinck- 
son. Next east of this was a tract of marsh owned in 1680 
by Hugh Lear, who had wife Mary. This marsh seems to 
have belonged in 1667 to Walford's daughter Elizabeth, 
wife of Henry Savage, entailed to their daughter Mary. 
Had Hugh Lear married Mary Savage? East of this 
marsh was one owned, in 1667, by William Brooking, per- 
haps given him by his father-in-law Walford. 

Daughter Mary Walford, born by deposition about 
1635, rnarried William Brooking. A William Brooking is 
said to have been sent to the Pascataqua by John Mason, 
sometime prior to 1636, as Mason died December 12, 1635. 
Rev. E. E. Stackpole in Old Kittery quotes a list, taken 
from the New England Historical and Genealogical Regis- 
ter of 1848, of "Names of Stewards and Servants sent by 
John Mason, Esq., into this province of New Hampshire." 
Among them are Sampson Lane, Francis Matthews, Fran- 
cis Rand, James Johnson, Henry Sherburne, John Peverly, 
William Seavey, William Berry, Jeremy Walford, William 
Brookin, Thomas Walford and Alexander Jones, mentioned 
in this article. 

In 1655 William Brooking had a house on the north 
shore of the creek west of the Middle road, not far from 
where his marsh was located (2-5ob*, 13-115, N. H. Probate 
Records 1-58, and Provincial Court Papers May 26, 1680.) 
The tything men's list of 1678 seems to place him about 
there. He died before 1695, leaving five daughters and 
widow Mary, who married, second, William Walker (4-62a,) 
who is referred to as owning land in that vicinity in 1694 


Daughter Elizabeth Walford married Henry Savage, 
who had lived prior to May 29, 1655, w i tn J- W. Davis as 


neighbor, on the north shore of the creek just west of the 
Middle road (2-500, 3-1382.) The tything men's list seems 
to place him there. He died between 1693 and 1708, Eliza- 
beth surviving him. They had a son John who died before 
1726, probably leaving a son John of age, (N. H. Probate 
Records 7-54, Deeds 20-440, also 7-79, 10-51, 13-102 and 
1 3- 10 1.) A more genealogical account of the Walford and 
allied families may be found in the Boston Transcript of 
Sept. 30, 1907. The present article aims more to give 

Thomas Walford left the bulk of his estate, 164 acres, 
in the care of Henry Sherburne and Richard Tucker as 
trustees for his grandsons, Thomas and Jeremiah Walford. 
Thomas died soon after coming of age. Then came litiga- 
tion and a long period of divided and disputed ownership. 
In 1697 the plantation was bought by Matthew Nelson, 
ancestor of the Nelsons of Exeter, Gilmanton and Barn- 
stead, as well as many in Portsmouth. He was evidently a 
man of ability. He started as an apprentice but left at his 
death in 17 13 an estate of about a thousand pounds. His 
"manor house" is mentioned May 23, 1740 (62-210) as still 
standing. It was evidently on or near the site of the house 
marked "J Sides" in the Atlas of 1891. He was succeeded 
on the farm by his sons, Matthew, Joseph and William, and 
by his son-in-law, Nathaniel Tuckerman, who lived at the 
corner of Elwyn road and Greenleaf avenue. I have many 
notes on the Nelson family. 

The brothers, Henry and John Sherburne, were lead- 
ing men of their times. As they have been well written 
up by others, I will pass them briefly. They were exten- 
sive land owners. Henry, born about 161 1, died 1680, was 
inn-keeper and maintained a ferry across Little Harbor. 
This ferry was ordered by the court in 1643. A deed of 
January 29, i6jJ-% (3-145) shows him living on land south 
of the creek, bounded easterly on the waters of Little Har- 
bor. That is where the tything men's list seems to place 
him. His daughter Mary married Richard Sloper. He 



was a resident before 1657 and had seventy-eight acres in 
the land allotment of 1660. He had a farm of one hundred 
and fifty acres next east of the Peverly farm on the south 
side of the creek. He died in 1712. Brewster gives some 
account of this family. 

Elizabeth, another daughter of 5 Henry Sherburne, mar- 
ried, first, Tobias Langdon ; second, April 11, 1667, Tobias 
Lear, who died in 1681, she surviving him. Tobias Lang- 
don was a resident before 1657 and had thirty-eight acres 
allotted him in 1660. The Langdons and Lears are noted 
families. Their land lay next east of the Sloper farm and 
is now separated from it by the LaFayette road. Ports- 
mouth records of July 18, 1682, show that Mrs. Lear's 
farm was bounded easterly by that of Joseph Walker. 

John Sherburne, brother of Henry, owned the land at 
the Plains next beyond the Westbrooks, January 28, 166 1, 
(3-92) he deeded a tract twenty-five rods wide to John 
Brewster. Here was the original Brewster homestead, 
"Portsmouth Historic and Picturesque," page 60, gives views 
and an account of this region. John Brewster left an only 
son John, whose son Samuel succeeded him on the home- 
stead. Other sons, Joshua, inn-keeper, Joseph, shop- 
keeper, and John, tailor, lived in the vicinity. 

John Sherburne was succeeded at the Plains by son 
John, he by his son John, and he by his son Nathaniel, 
who was ancestor of the Epsom Sherburnes. A condensed 
Sherburne genealogy prepared by the late E. R. Sherburne 
of Boston, is to be found in Volumes 58 and 59 of the New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register. He left a 
completed manuscript Sherburne history, publication of 
which has been promised. 

At the end of the Middle road, and probably account- 
ing for its location, was Lane's sawmill. I am not aware 
that the location of this has before been given in print. 
For its discovery I am indebted to T. M. Jackson, Esq., 
Brooklyn, N. Y., as well as for much else in this article. 

April 15, 165 1, (273b) John Moses deeded Ambrose 


Lane "the little point of land adjoining to his sawmill lying 
nearest on the southeast of said mill." This "point of 
land" has been identified as "Moses Island" and remains 
of the dam have been discerned at low water. The "island" 
is peninsular or island according to the state of the tide, and 
two hundred fifty years ago may have been more a point 
of land, or rock, than an island. 

It is well understood by geologists that the New Eng- 
land coast has settled in recent geologic time and that the 
present estuaries and harbors are drowned valleys. Parsons' 
History of Rye has an impressive picture of stumps of 
trees in the sand of the seashore where trees could not 
now grow. From measurements made at the Charlestown 
Navy Yard a few years ago it was thought to be deter- 
mined that the coast at that point had settled nine inches 
in seventy-five years. With an average of two and one-half 
feet less water at Moses Island its insular character would 
pretty much disappear. 

The mill was deeded March 22, 1649, (Suffolk Deeds 
1-137) by Sampson Lane to Ambrose Lane, described as 
"one sawmill now in building at Sagamore Creek." It was 
not very successful. In 1653 lr) a petition by the inhabi- 
tants to the Massachusetts General Court (Provincial Pa- 
pers 1-208) they say that Portsmouth has only one sawmill, 
"not yet perfected nor like to be." In 1655 Ambrose Lane 
had left the place and Richard Tucker was settling up his 
business. The dam is mentioned in a deed of January 25, 
1722, (13-10.) 

The Moses house, one hundred twenty-five years old, 
the third on the site, stands near the south shore opposite 
the Middle road. John Moses with wife Alice was living 
here in 1648 (1-56.) He was a large land owner and of 
considerable prominence as a citizen. He lived to old age 
and was succeeded on the place by his son Aaron, and he 
by his son James. The farm was bounded on the west by 
that of Henry Beck. Next west of Beck's was Joseph 
Walker's, which extended back from the creek more than 


one hundred and seventy rods and was bounded westerly 
on the Lear farm (Portsmouth Records July iS, 1682.) 
Adjoining the Moses farm, and probably near the cove to 
the east, was in 1668 the home of Thomas Creber, seaman, 
a son-in-law of John Moses, who had given him twelve 
acres of land. This fell to Creber's only daughter, Alice, 
who married Richard Shortridge, third of the name. 
December 27, 1725, she, a widow, with her son Richard 
Shortridge, deeded the land back to James Moses (14-41 1.) 
James sold his brother Josiah, December 10, 1726, (19-86) 
three acres on the cove, which he two years later sold 
(17-8,) with his house, to John Tucker. This, with other 
land, was held by the Tucker family till recently. 

Joseph Walker, who had married John Moses's daugh- 
ter Elizabeth, was likewise complimented by his father-in- 
law with a gift of land, — in this case salt marsh, which was 
a favorite kind of wedding present. The deed, March 5, 
1664, (3-5 5a) locates Walker's house at the head of a branch 
creek to the southwest. He married, second, Hannah 
Philbrick, born September 26, 165 1. She survived him 
and married, second, John Seavey, son of William first. 
Joseph Walker had a son George, who was a citizen of 

Ferdinando Huff, perhaps another son-in-law of John 
Moses, in 1764 (-55a) owned land adjoining John Moses 
and Thomas Creber. He was born by deposition about 
1640, his wife Mary about 1645. In 168 1 they were living 
in a house of John Sherburne's (probably son of Henry) 
and boarding Henry Sherburne's deaf and dumb daughter 

Sylvanus Scott, a weaver, bought of his wife's brother, 
James Moses, about 1633, two acres on the Elwyn road 
next the Beck farm, and lived there some twenty years. 
His son Sylvanus sold the place to Joseph Tucker, who 
occupied it from 1673. 

The two volumes of Moses genealogy by Zebina Moses 
give a good account of the family. They fail to mention 


a Samuel'Moses who deposed in 1670 aged thirty, and a 
Joseph Moses, whose new house by the waterside is referred 
to in 1666 (3-23a.) 

Henry Beck came from London in 1635 at the age of 
eighteen. He was taxed in Dover in 1648 ; was of Ports- 
mouth before 1657 ; was allotted sixty acres in 1660 ; was 
at the creek as early as 1664. He lived there to old age 
and was succeeded on the place by his son Thomas, who 
died November 7, 1734, aged seventy years. The house 
stood on a bluff near the Moses house, a decidedly pict- 
uresque spot, affording a view up and down the creek. A 
garrison house was maintained there. The farm remained 
in the family nearly two hundred years. 

I have but fragmentary information of land occupancy 
farther down the creek. James Randall, carpenter, bought 
July 20, 1668, (3-30) a dwelling house on Little Harbor 
and a tract of land reaching from the house to the sandy 
beach, about a mile and a half. The Randalls became 
numerous in that vicinity. 

George Wallis, "sometimes of Newfoundland," bought 
of James and Mary Johnson of Little Harbor November 6, 
1660 (2 -45a) land and buildings at Little Harbor south of 
the creek. Johnson and Wallis were there before 1657 
and had jointly an allotment of 112 acres in 1660. George 
Wallis, Jr., and William succeeded to their father's estate 
in 1686 (4-43a) and held it for about forty years. George, 
Jr., left only daughters and an idiot son Caleb. 
Descendants of William have been numerous in Rye, 
Epsom and Northwood, and the Wallaces of Greenland 
probably descended from him. Some account of them may 
be found in the Boston Transcript of June 10, 1907. 

William Seavey settled very early at Little Harbor, it 
is supposed by Seavey's creek. He had sons, William, 
born 1640, John and Stephen. See History of Rye. Most 
likely the earliest settlers had a grist mill on Seavey's creek 

(Continued on page 285.) 



^>. * V* 




■ 3ij3j 




1 ■ v 

Drawn by Howard Pyle 


"He would drink and rest, and go home to tell 
That God's best gift is the wayside well! " 

Ctamfcles in t©fjittier=llanb 

By Martin W. Hoyt 


'O him who enjoys reading from the great book of 
nature an occasional chapter on the geological 
history of this little planet of ours, East Haver- 
hill offers a field filled to the brim with features of interest. 
First of all he will be struck by the appearance of the in- 
numerable "drumlins" all around him, with their smoothed 
and rounded sides and oft-times oval summits, rising from 
a few to frequently many feet above the general level of 
the country. They are smooth and grass-grown to their 
very tops, to the casual observer appearing as if rocks were 
a nearly unknown quantity in their make-up. But let one 
chance to find where some excavation or cut has been made 
into one of them, he will at once discover that they are but 
a mere medley of worn, rounded, and striated rocks thrown 
together in a promiscuous fashion, and imbedded in earth 
which is nothing more, after all, than the remains of thor- 
oughly disintegrated rock which has gradually accumulated 
over and around them during the untold ages that have 
elapsed since they were deposited in their present situa- 
tions. Much of eastern Massachusetts is noted for the 
great quantities of drift scattered broadcast over its surface 
during that distant geological epoch denominated as the 
glacial age. 

Lift but a spadeful of earth from almost any spot be- 
side the highway and one finds it full of these rounded and 
water-worn rocks, eloquent witnesses of that far-away time 
when the great ice plow of the north forced its way down 
across New England, turning up and displacing the earth 
for hundreds of feet in depth, and sometimes to the very un- 
derlying bed-rock, pushing before it and grinding beneath 



its mighty mass, huge accumulations of detritus, borne 
along from the higher latitudes of the continent. 

Again we may find high banks of finest sand, it may 
be of the purest white, or it may be of varied colors, with 
an occasional stratum of gravel, or possibly a layer of small 
pebbles, sorted and placed as if by some designing hand — 
all showing the agency of water in motion or water at rest 
in their arrangement. There is scarcely ever an angular 
fragment among these stones, large or small, but all are 
well-worn and rounded by their long and rough journey 
from the northern clime. 

From the summit of one of the highest of these drum- 
lins, known as Job's Hill, one may distinguish the moun- 
tain peaks of northern Rockingham county, N. H., particu- 
larly of Pawtuckaway in Nottingham. 

When the great glacier came down in the ice age and 
made of New England a veritable Greenland, with its thous- 
ands of feet of ice-cap over the entire section, it nearly ob- 
literated all the old surface features of the land, and left it 
but a wild waste of rocky detritus, as it, after many ages, 
slowly wasted away under the influence of a returning 
warmer climate. The beds of former lakes had been filled 
up, and new ones chiseled out in other places. The courses 
of streams were obstructed and often completely obliter- 
ated, and as the ice gradually turned again to water and 
the water sought its way to the sea, it was compelled to 
sweep clear the obstructions from the former river beds or 
to seek new channels elsewhere. 

Thus it was that the Merrimack, whose course previ- 
ous to the ice age seems to have been southward along the 
site of the old Boston and Lowell canal, found it much 
easier to find a new road to the sea by turning eastward 
from Lowell, than to remove the accumulations from its 
old-time bed. 

All the little lakes of this section are simply hollows 
dug out by the moving ice, which filled up as the glacier 
turned into water again. Lake Kenoza, the most beautiful 



of them all, has such an origin. In traveling from Haver- 
hill city to Merrimac on the Haverhill and Amesbury Street 
R. R., one rounds a small portion of its shore and catches 
a brief glimpse of a charming picture. The clear waters of 
the lake, together with the high drumlins at its southern 
bank densely wooded to their summits with dark-hued 
evergreens, offer a tempting morsel to the artist's pencil. 
Kenoza, too, was a cherished spot to Whittier. Here, 
as a "barefoot boy," he lured the pickerel from his haunts 
to his fate, and beneath the trees lining its shore he gath- 
ered the glossy brown nuts of autumn-time. Listen to 
what he says of the little sheet: 

"Kenoza! o'er no sweeter lake 

Shall morning break or noon-cloud sail, 
No fairer face than thine shall take 
The sunset's golden veil. 

Long be it ere the tide of trade 

Shall break with harsh-resounding din 
The quiet of thy banks of shade, 

And hills that fold thee in. 

Still let thy woodlands hide the hare, 

The shy loon sound his trumpet-note ; 
Wing-weary from his fields of air, 

The wild goose on thee float. 

Thy peace rebuke our feverish stir, 

Thy beauty our deforming strife ; 
Thy woods and waters minister 

The healing of their life.'' 

— Kenoza Lake 

The laws of the city now protect this lake from con- 
tamination, and it will always be kept as Whittier loved it. 

All through his busy life Whittier seems to have kept 
warm an affectionate remembrance of the delights of his 
earlier years. He often speaks of the halcyon, golden days 
of his boyhood. 

"Crowding years in one brief moon, 
When all things I heard or saw, 
Me. their master, waited for." 


Oftentimes there is felt an undertone of regret that these 
days have all passed by never to return. 

"O for boyhood's painless play, 
Sleep that wakes in laughing day, 
Health that mocks the doctor's rules, 
Knowledge never learned of schools ! 


O for festal dainties spread, 
Like my bowl of milk and bread, — 
Pewter spoon and bowl of wood, 
On the door-stone, gray and rude! 
O'er me, like a regal tent, 
Cloudy-ribbed, the sunset bent, 
Purple-curtained, fringed with gold, 
Looped in many a wind-swung fold; 
While for music came the play 
Of the pied frogs' orchestra; 
And, to light the noisy choir, 
Lit the fly his lamp of fire." 

— The Barefoot Boy, 

Human nature is pretty much the same the world over, 
and all of us who are hastening on to the "sere and yellow 
leaf" of life's autumn are capable of looking back upon 
fondly-remembered days, and of realizing the tenderness 
with which the poet must have struck his lyre as he here 
and there touches upon the themes connected with bygone 
and youthful years. Whittier's work is fairly crowded with 
little pictures of rural life that come easily home to each 
one of us who has been so fortunate as to pass his youth 
amid country scenes in close contact with "old mother na- 

Hardly is it possible to open to a descriptive poem of 
his without being confronted by some familiar token of 
one's boyhood period. He lures us on, stanza by stanza, 
with mention of whispering winds and murmuring stream- 
lets, with tossing branches of trees and fern-clad and mossy 
dells, until we fairly forget ourselves for a time, and be- 
come boys and girls again happily roaming once more the 
gladsome country side. 


Now, perhaps, he says to us: 

With the summer sunshine falling 

On thy heated brow, 
Listen, while all else is still, 
To the brooklet from the hill. 

Wild and sweet the flowers are blowing 

By that streamlet's side, 
And a greener verdure showing 

Where its waters glide, — 
Down the hill-slope murmuring on, 
Over root and mossy stone. 

Where yon oak his broad arms flingeth 

O'er the sloping hill, 
Beautiful and freshly springeth 

That soft-flowing rill, 
Through its dark roots wreathed and bare, 
Gushing up to sun and air. 

Brighter waters sparkled never 

In that magic well, 
Of whose gift of life forever 

Ancient legends tell, — 
In the lonely desert wasted, 
And by mortal lip untasted. 

■The Fountain. 

Again it is a harvest scene: 

"The summer grains were harvested; the stubble field lay dry, 
Where June winds rolled, in light and shade, the pale green waves of rye, 
But still, on gentle hill-slopes, in valleys fringed with wood, 
Ungathered, bleaching in the sun. the heavy corn crop stood. 
Bent low, by autumn's wind and rain, through husks that, dry and sere, 
Unfolded from their ripened charge, shone out the yellow ear; 
Beneath, the turnip lay concealed, in many a verdant fold, 
And glistening in the slanting light the pumpkin's sphere of gold." 

And this takes us to "The Pumpkin," that exquisite 
bit dear to the heart of every boy who ever read it: 

"O, — fruit loved of boyhood ! the old days recalling, 
When wood-grapes were purpling and brown nuts were falling' 
When wild, ugly faces we carved in its skin, 
Glaring out through the dark with a candle within ! 



When we laughed round the corn-heap, with hearts all in tune. 

Our chair a broad pumpkin, — our lantern the moon, 

Telling tales of the fairy who traveled like steam, 

In a pumpkin-shell coach, with two rats for her team." 

And close upon it comes the old-fashioned husking 
party of note among our grandfathers. 

"From many a brown old farm-house, and hamlet without name, 
Their milking and their home-tasks done, the merry huskers came. 
Swung o'er the heaped-up harvest, from pitch-forks in the mow, 
Shone dimly down the lanterns on the pleasant scene below ; 
The growing pile of husks behind, the golden ears before, 
And laughing eyes and busy hands and brown cheeks glimmering o'er. 

Half hidden in a quiet nook, serene of look and heart, 

Talking their old times over, the eld men sat apart ; 

While, up and down the unhusked pile, or nestling in its shade, 

At hide-and-seek, with laugh and shout, the happy children played." 

Reader, do you not recognize these pictures? have 
you not lived these scenes of happy days? If not you have 
missed much of life's keenest enjoyment. Who of us 
would willingly forget the time when we, too, fashioned the 
rude Jack o' Lantern from the pumpkin's golden globe, and 
danced in childish glee adown the long pile of unstripped 
ears waiting for the huskers, while lanterns suspended on 
pitchfork handles cast their uncertain light over the scene? 

Whittier was a dreamer. He, as a boy, was always 
glad when it came his turn to stay at home from "First 
Day" services at Amesbury, so that he could wander away 
to the summit of some near-by hill, and there, reclining in 
the shade of a towering forest tree, spend the hours in 
quiet thought. Nothing was more delightful to him than 
to lie beside the little brook running past the old homestead 
and listen to its musical ripple. Many an allusion has he 
made to this stream so dear to his boyhood. 

"Laughed the brook for my delight 
Through the day and through the night, 
Whispering at the garden wall, 
Talked with me from fall to fail." 


The following picture from "Snow-Bound," is one 
which none of us who are count ry-bred, and upon whose 
locks lie the drifted snows of sixty and odd years, can fail 
to recognize. 

"Within our beds awhile we heard 
The wind that round the gables roared, 
With now and then a ruder shock, 
Which made our very bedsteads rock. 

We heard the loosened clapboards tost, 
The board-nails snapping in the frost; 
And on us, through the unplastered wall, 
Felt the light sifted snow-flakes fall." 

One could not well take leave of this period of the 
poet's life without some mention of the old schoolhouse 
wherein his schooldays, necessarily few, were mostly spent. 
This building, unfortunately, no longer exists, but its site 
is now marked by a tablet for the better guidance of those 
who would desire to visit the spot, associated as it is with 
a poem that will be read as long as the English tongue 
shall endure. One of America's most distinguished liter- 
ary persons has pronounced it "the finest school poem ever 
written in the English language." It was written nearly 
half a century after the incident which inspired it occurred. 
To quote from it is impossible; it must be given entire, for 
every stanza, line, and word, even, is essential to the whole. 
One should be New England born, and familiar with the 
"little brown schoolhouse" of the last century for the proper 
appreciation of this, poem. It is a living, moving scene, 
which no artist with brush or pencil could produce. 


"Still sits the schoolhouse by the road, 
A ragged beggar sunning; 
Round it still the sumachs grow, 
And blackberry vines are running. 

Within, the master's desk is seen. 

Deep-scarred by raps official ; 
The warping floor, the battered seats, 

The jack-knife's carved initial; 


The charcoal frescoes on the wall ; 

The door's worn sill, betraying 
The feet that, creeping slow to school, 

Went storming out to playing. 

Long years ago a winter sun 
Shone over it at setting ; 

Lit up its western window-panes, 
And low eaves' icy fretting. 

It touched the tangled golden curls r 
And brown eyes full of grieving, 

Of one who still her steps delay'd 
When all the school were leaving. 

For near her stood the little boy 
Her childish favor singled, 

His cap pull'd low upon a face 

Where pride and shame were mingled. 

Pushing with restless feet the snow 
To right and left, he linger'd 

As restlessly her tiny hands 

The blue-check'd apron finger'd. 

He saw her lift her eyes, he felt 
The soft hand's light caressing. 

And heard the trembling of her voice, 
As if a fault confessing. 

•I'm sorry that I spelt the word ; 

I hate to go above you: 
Because, — ' the brown eyes lower fell, — 

'Because, you see, I love you.' 

Still memory to a grey-hair'd man 
That sweet child-face is showing. 

Dear girl! the grasses on her grave 
Have forty years been growing. 

He lives to learn, in life's hard school, 
How few who pass above him 

Lament their triumph and his loss, 
Like her, because they love him." 

(To be Continued) 

' ' • ..iStoir--'- —~ ' 


3n ^tage=€oact) l^apsi 

By George Waldo Browne 


Early Mail Routes 

y^fcs^HE enterprise of Bartholomew Stavers seems to 
' O^ have met with "suitable encouragement," from 
^^ the first, for it not only proved a paying venture 
for him, but it also added to the business of his brothers, 
who kept "The Earl of Halifax," one of the most noted 
inns of that day. The line also marked a decided advance 
in the methods of travel, and other lines in New Hamp- 
shire, as well as elsewhere, began to seek the patronage of 
the traveling public. It seems to have dawned upon the 
public mind that it had more occasion to travel than it had 
ever dreamed of before the opportunity had come its way. 
In 1763 Mr. Stavers in one of his announcements styled 
his carriage "The Flying Stage Coach." This would seem 
to indicate that even in those sedate days the matter of 
time spent upon the road was taken into serious considera- 
tion. He could now convey six persons inside, and he did 
not start until Tuesday morning, returning Saturday. The 
inn of John Stavers, his brother, was still the point of de- 
parture in Portsmouth. 

The speed made by the Stavers coach was the pride of 
the owner, and it was his boast that his "express" actually 
performed the journey between his inn and Boston in a lit- 
tle over twenty-four hours, the exact time being from 
eleven o'clock in the morning to two of the following day 
in the afternoon, "Good entertainment was amply pro- 
vided while on the route." Then the passengers were as- 
sured of "hospitable treatment at the end of their journey 



when he turned them over to the care of his brother John. 
Truth told, John seemed to have fared even better than the 
other, by the conduct of "The Stage Chair," for in 1765 we 
learn that he removed from his hostelry on Queen street to 
more commodious quarters and into a building that soon 
became famous through its associations. The old sign 
"Earl of Halifax" was again called into requisition. In the 
upper story of this historic building, completed in 1770, 
the St. John's lodge of Masons held their meetings for sev- 
eral years, and the Grand Lodge of New Hampshire also 
met here. 

Dame Stavers "in her furbelows" stood in the doorway 
of this inn as she looked with righteous disdain upon poor 
but proud Martha Hilton and her stockingless feet, to ex- 
claim with a toss of her head : 

"Oh, Martha Hilton ! fie ! how dare you go 
About the town half dressed and looking so!" 

With righteous indignation equaling the other's cut- 
ting scorn, the proud girl retorted that she would live to 
ride in her own chariot, a boast that she could not have felt 
likely to ever be realized as it was on her wedding day with 
Governor Benning Wentworth, and she became the leading 
lady in the colony and mistress of 

•A Great House looking out to sea, 

A goodly place, where it was good to be." 

But the checkered history of Stavers, if told complete, 
would fill a volume, and not all of it would be as serene as 
this pretty love romance. For a time its owner fell under 
the bann of Tory sympathy and was compelled to escape 
by flight, only to be captured and thrown into Exeter jail- 
Fortunately the very one he had injured most obtained his 
release, and promising better behavior in the future he was 
allowed his freedom. The story of the Loyalist during 
those trying times has been but a half-told tale. Its tel- 
ling does not come within the scope of this article, though 
we hope at some other opportunity to try our hand at it. 


One hundred years ago the fastest travel in the world 
was on the Great North Road, England, when the York mail 
coach performed its long journey at the tremendous rate 
of ninety miles a day! This was done by the frequent 
change of horses, and at the amazement of the public, many 
of the more ignorant persons predicting dire calamity to the 
drivers and those who dared to patronize the line. 

Benjamin Franklin has told us that he spent four days 
in making the trip from Philadelphia to New York by stage 
coach, and that he whiled away his time en route by knit- 
ting stockings and listening to the stories of the jocose 
driver! Two stage coaches with four horses each sufficed 
for the passenger traffic between Boston and New York, 
and in the winter two weeks were consumed in making the 
round trip. 

At first great opposition was manifested against any of 
the wagons or coaches designed to carry the mail taking on 
any other business, either in passenger traffic or the carry- 
ing of packages. This was first attempted in New Jersey 
under Jefferson's administration, when four men were given 
the privilege of running a mail coach with four seats on top 
to carry passengers. Then when congress tried to extend 
this privilege so as to allow all mail coaches the like favor 
a great hue and cry arose, and the project failed at that 
time. Later it passed, and the custom became general. 

It was not until 1792, when Thomas Jefferson was 
Secretary of State that the feasibility of sending mail one 
hundred miles a day was considered. The number of let- 
ters in 1790 was less than 300,000 a year and the distance, 
counting each trip, about 350,000 miles. , It would seem 
that during those days the office of postmaster was not 
altogether desirable, as witness the complaint of a Mr. 
Childs at Falmouth in 1773, who declares "that the office 
is of no advantage to him. Nay, it is a loss ; he cannot 
withstand the earnest solicitations of indigent people, so he 
delivers their letters and receives no payment. Every per- 
son freely enters his home, looking for a letter or paper 


whether it is postday or not ; he cannot afford to set aside 
an apartment in his house for an office, and is continually 
disturbed in his family." 

It was not until 1786 that the mail was first carried in 
coaches from Portsmouth to the South. A writer remark- 
ing upon the time occupied in delivering mail matter aptly 
says : "In the mountains of New Hampshire, in the hill 
country of Pennsylvania, in the rice swamps of Georgia 
and the Carolinas, letters were longer in reaching their 
destination than they are now in reaching Pekin, China. 
Letters sent out from the principal offices spent five weeks 
in passing a distance now traversed in as many hours." In 
comparison to the cases cited, in remote regions it often 
happened that the post rider was a man of advanced years, 
who, as his jaded beast jogged along the lonesome stretches 
of country road, whiled away his time in knitting woolen 
mittens and stockings. Letters were not infrequently held 
at the office for want of the fees needed to pay for their 
transportation, or at the other end waiting for weeks to 
have the person to whom they were addressed obtain the 
money necessary to secure them. There was absolutely 
no protection over mail matter in transportation, and it 
was frequently claimed, with probably good reasons, that 
the rider opened and read them at his leisure. It was this 
reason which led many public and business men to corre- 
spond in cipher. At their destination letters fared no bet- 
ter. Post officers were usually kept in taverns or stores, 
where some corner became the receptable for the missives, 
and hither persons looking for letters were wont to turn 
and rummage through the collection in the hope of finding 
there some communication from friend or relative, or it 
might be a business proposition. 

In marked opposition to the free and impartial distribu- 
tion of newspapers at the present time, little if any mail of 
this kind was transmitted between the different sections of 
the country in those days. Boston got a few papers from 
New York and Philadelphia, and they knew little of each 



other. While the post carriers had to bear much of the 
blame for this, it was mainly due to the influences in the 
larger offices. Franklin, during his occupancy of the office, 
managed to improve this condition, though as late as 1784 
only a few papers were taken with the letters, and these 
only after persistent appeals to the postmasters. 

The franking privilege seems to have originated No- 
vember 8, 1775, when congress resolved that letters to and 
from delegates of the united colonies should be carried free 
of postage. A year later letters to and from private sold- 
iers were accorded the same immunity. 

Newspapers at last became mailable matter, but it was 
some time before books and magazines were received by 
the postmaster general ; and it was not until i860 that 
other than written and printed matter was sent by post! 
In 1855 prepayment of postage became obligatory. 

The increase in the postal receipts is somewhat re- 
markable. In 1776 there were only twenty-eight post offi- 
ces in the country, while to-day there are 68,403. The 
number of pieces carried in 1794 was under two millions ; 
now it it above 5,000,000,000. 

In 1798 the rates of postage established by congress 
fixed the sums as follows, according to distance : Single 
letters, 30 miles, six cents; 60 miles eight cents; 100 miles 
ten cents ; 150 miles twelve and one-half cents ; 200 miles 
fifteen cents ; 250 miles seventeen cents ; 450 miles twenty- 
two cents; over 450 miles twenty-five cents. Double let- 
ters were double these rates, while triple letters were 
charged three times as much. Packets weighing one ounce 
or more were sent at the rate of twenty-four cents an ounce. 

Two years later, 1800, these rates were raised some- 
what. Then it cost eight cents to take a letter forty miles 
or less ; not over 90 miles ten cents ; not over 500 miles 
twenty cents ; two pieces of paper, double rates ; three 
pieces of paper, triple rates ; four pieces of paper, weighing 
one ounce, four rates. 

Another raise in the cost was made in 1821, and re 
affirmed in 1830, making the charges six cents for 30 miles ;- 


ten cents for So miles; twelve and one-half cents for 150 
miles; eighteen and one-half cents for 250 miles; twenty- 
five cents for 400 miles and over. 

Before 1760, at least two roads styled post-roads had 
been opened between Boston and Hartford and New Haven. 
In 1764, the "Upper Post Road" was advertised. It was 
162 miles in length. The Middle Road followed in 1769. 

But older than either of these was u The Lower Road," 
opened or traveled as early as 1737, and advertised as the 
only road to New Haven and thence to New York. It 
was over this road that Franklin rode in his chaise, setting 
up mile-stones. This road was 278 miles in length. 

Thus in 1768 New Haven was reached from Boston by 
three roads, though there was only one from thence to New 

The Revolution served to check the increase of roads 
for a decade, but after that the growth was more rapid 
than ever, though it was not until October 20, 1783, that 
the pioneer of stage-coaching, Capt. Levi Pease, a black- 
smith by trade, and a native of Enfield, Conn., gave a new 
impetus to the opening of roads and the distribution of 
mail matter. 

Something of the estimation in which the railroads 
were held in public opinion is illustrated by the account of 
a certain Mr. Ebenezer Stowell Greer, who lived on the line 
of the Boston and Albany road before it had been com- 
pleted to Worcester. It seems that work had been de- 
layed on account of the lack of iron for the rails. Believe- 
ing that not enough iron could be procured to finish laying 
the tracks, and the cars having begun to run as far as they 
could go, Mr. Greer was anxious to have his daughter take 
a ride upon the strange vehicle. As she could not come 
back that night by rail her brother was to drive with their 
family horse to Grafton and bring her home. The team 
started about the same time as the train, but the latter 
reached Grafton twenty minutes ahead of the horse. Mr. 
Greer was so disgusted with what he considered the slow- 


ness of the animal that he would have sold it at once had 
not his family dissuaded him from doing so.* 

In the winter season it was not uncommon for a driver 
who carried the mail to be compelled to abandon his team 
and passengers, if he had such, and push on to his destina- 
tion on snow-shoes, with the mail pouch flung over his 
shoulders. Or, it might be, the package too heavy for this, 
he would load it upon a hand sled and thus manage to de- 
deliver it in season. 

Many stirring stories of stage-coaching days are told 
of narrow escapes from serious results, both to driver and 

Stage riding in that way in the pioneer days of travel 
must have been no enviable undertaking, and, naturally, 
few attempted lengthy journeys unless business or stern 
necessity compelled them. Not only were the roads rough 
and unfinished, but the vehicles were rude in the extreme. 
One of the most pretentious of these stage coaches is thus 
described by a young Englishman, Thomas Twining, visit- 
ing this country in 1795 : 

"The stage-wagon is a long car with four benches. 
Three of these in the interior held nine passengers. A 
tenth passenger was seated by the side of the driver on the 
front bench. A light roof was supported by eight slender 
pillars, four on each side. Three large leather curtains 

* "The first locomotive steam engine used in New England was put 
in motion yesterday on the Worcester Railroad. The experiment we, 
learn was entirely satisfactory. — Boston Evening Transcript, March 18, 
1834. Regular passenger service was not completed until May 16th. 
The same paper quoted above under date of April 4, says : "Crowds of 
people were assembled yesterday at the Tremont street terminus of the 
Worcester Railroad to witness the operation of the locomotive engine. 
We candidly confess that we cannot describe the singular sensation we 
experienced, except by comparing it to that which one feels when antici- 
pation is fulfilled and hope realized. We note it as marking the accom- 
plishment of one of the mighty projects of the age, and the mind, casting 
its eye backwards upon the past, as it was borne irresistibly onward, lost 
itself in contemplation of the probable future." — Editor. 


suspended to the roof, one on each side and the third be- 
hind, were rolled up or lowered at the pleasure of the pas- 
sengers. There was no place nor space for luggage, each 
person being expected to stow his things as he could under 
his seat or legs. The entrance was in front over the driv- 
er's bench. Of course the three passengers on the back 
seat were obliged to crawl across the other benches. There 
were no backs to the benches for support and relief to us 
during a rough and fatiguing journey over a newly and ill- 
made road." 

Of course the results of a ride of twenty miles in an 
old-fashioned stage coach bolstered up on thoroughbraces 
and drawn by four or six horses largely depended upon the 
make-up of the passenger. The driver might be as merry 
as Joe Miller, and the coach as easy of transportation as 
the rubber-tired, steel-springed buggy of to-day, still one 
would find much to worry over and to complain of, as wit- 
ness the following account left us by a gentleman whom 
we believe to have been of English extraction, and whose 
trip was made in one of the coaches of our northern coun- 

"I had an uncomfortable seat in the hind part of the 
wagon upon the mail bag and other goods. I might indeed 
have sat in fr^nt along with the driver, but my legs would 
have been cramped between a large chest and the fore part 
of the wagon. Of two evils I chose the least ; but I shall 
never forget the shaking, jolting, jumbling and tossing, 
which I experienced over this disagreeable road, up and 
down steep hills which obliged us to alight, (for we had 
only two poor jaded horses to draw us) and fag through the 
sand and dust exposed to a burning sun. When we got 
into our delectable vehicle again, our situation was just as 
bad ; for the road in many parts was continually obstructed 
by large stones ; stumps of trees, and fallen timber ; deep 
ruts and holes, over which, to use an American phrase, we 
were 'waggon'd' most unmercifully." 

( To be Continued) 


No. XII 

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■•-■ . ■'- i 

. . .^ 1$ 

••*->■•■■ ' >* I ^ - •■ *• / 

f ••; 


■ ■ 

From Rogers' Statuary 


Character Sketches 

"The Viking" 

IpPipl|pHE HISTORY of the world does not offer a 
IJKtSIJj character to parallel the Viking. A patriot and 
il^^iftrt a hero, a home-maker and a freeman, he was 
'QJ ^t^Z& Sj yet a tryant and a terror : far too frequently a 
stranger to mercy. He fought for his god and was a pagan 
of the most paganic type. He acknowledged a king, yet 
dared to defy him when the occasion seemed to demand it. 
Once had the voice of the Christian spirit been heard along 
the rocky shores of his native land, but he had turned a deaf 
ear to it. In frail barks, little fitted for long sea voyages, these 
hardy seamen crossed the ocean many times, and, it is claimed, 
even circumnavigated the globe. At any rate their name was 
a terror from the frozen north to the seven hills of Rome. 
Dragon ships, with grinning heads, clave their way through 
the waters of the deep, urged on by stalwart oarsmen 
concealed behind their shields hung around the bulwarks of 
the vessel. When not too far out at sea these strange-look- 
ing galleys were followed by flocks of ravens, which birds 
became the "war-wagers" used for their banners. Usually 
among the crew there was some "wise man" who could 
speak in the language of the ravens and talk with them pres- 
aging the coming conflict. Or, higher than flew the ravens, 
floated through the space a flock of wild swans, whose pres- 
ence was hailed by these kings of the sea as the warlike shield 
of Odin, the Norns who wove the web of victory and defeat. 
At length there came in the tenth century tidings of the 
New Religion. Upheld by their leaders, this doctrine swept 
like a whirlwind over Norway, and missionaries were then 
sent to that lonely island in the Northern Sea, whither some 
of the bravest of the Vikings had fled from their homeland, 

much as the Pilgrims did seven hundred years later, to worship 
their gods. Eric the Red, the staunchest Viking that ever 
lived, a patriarch nearly a hundred years old. dwelt here in 
Iceland among his kindred Surely the old would not yield to 
the new where Eric held domain. Like true freemen these 
doughty warriors met in open council by the black, yawning 
rampart of the valley hemmed in by the mountains, to settle 
the mooted question whether Christ should supplant Odin ; 
whether old beliefs should be swept away for this new faith. 
That meeting was one of the most dramatic moments in the 
history of man. Defiantly against the Christians stood the 
priests of the old faith, and their fierce, white-haired follow- 
ers In the midst of the debate a peal of subterranean thun- 
der rolled underfoot. Unperturbed by this, one of the chanv 
pions of Odin leaped to his feet and cried : "Thor is angry at 
this treason." "With whom was he angry when he rent 
these rocks and burned them?" demanded one of the Chris- 
tians, pointing to the volcanic relics about them. The swift 
question decided the matter, and Christianity was accepted by 
the great majority. No more remarkable testimony to the 
efficiency of self-government can be found ; nor a grander 
refusal of the coming truth than that displayed by the patri- 
arch of Vikings, Eric, who chose to die in the old belief rather 
than the new, the last of his heroic race. 

<Ql\)z Propfjet of tfje Pines 

By Laconica 

N a slight eminence of land near the headwaters of 
the Pascataqua River stand three pines. Seen 
when the sun's shafts of silver strike aslant their 
green clad figures a beautiful halo crowns the crests of the 
loftiest ones. And as this spirit light deepens, taking on 
the hues of emerald and violet and the yet deeper tints com- 
ing from the dusky azure overhead, lo! a mysterious trans- 
formation takes place, when the third and smallest tree lifts 
its drooping arms and lays them across the bosoms of its 
mates, until a perfect cross is made. 

Unable to realize that he is gazing on less than what 
his vision discloses, it requires no grievous stretch of the 
imagination of the beholder to catch in the whisperings of 
the pines, as the autumn wind gives them speech, this tale 
which the Prophet of the Pines has told and retold many 
times since the dusky brotherhood stole away from the sa- 
cred spot in the twilight of long ago. 

The maple was aflame with the gorgeous plumes of the 
sunset and the hazel was bending under the weight of its 
harvests treasures for the warriors of the wiidwood, when a 
solitary figure burst from out of the solitude of the sur- 
rounding forests and paused under the two pines. His 
step was heavy like him who has come far, and his breath 
told that he had been long a fugitive no less than the 
hunted look overspreading his features, which were as white 
as the snow that lay on the distant mountains. The 
flowing robe of this stranger was darker than the coat of 
the pine, he carried two bars crossing each other and shin- 
ing with the brightness of the sun's eye. 

As he halted, unable to go farther, he pressed this glis- 


tening jewel to his lips, ever and anon, and as he did so a 
beautiful light settled on his kindly features. Then, clasp- 
ing his hands, still holding the golden crucifix over his 
head, he sank upon his knees. His lips moved, though no 
sound came forth. He was thus engaged when a band of 
shadows stole from out of the forest and surrounded him! 

The hunted priest, who had strayed far from his kind- 
red, now looked up to behold himself in the midst of his 
red enemies. But his face grew no paler, though his lips 
moved faster and he lifted the golden cross higher. 

With yells that were intended to drive from him his 
lingering ray of hope, the red men threw themselves upon 
him! And they bound him with stout withewoods, having 
first robbed him of the magical cross, and they fastened 
him to the bigger pine. Stopping only long enough to 
mock him in his distress, the warriors hastened on their 
journey to their campfires, leaving him there under the pine 
to obey the Great Spirit in his last call. 

The poor white father scarce heard the sound of their 
retreating steps, he was so bowed with grief. He certainly 
did not hear the steps of the Indian princess, whose footfall 
gave back no more sound than the falling leaf, as she drew 
near the hopeless captive. 

She swiftly loosened his withes and stepping back 
touched him as she did so on the shoulder. He must have 
thought she was an angel from the great sky wigwam of the 
Father, for he did not open his lips until she had said: 

"Fear not Niamana, the chief's daughter. She has set 
the Paleface free. See! his hands are no longer bound, and 
here is food for him to eat, that he may speedily go a long 
way 'yond the trails of old Ravena, the evil bird," and as 
she said these words she gave him pounded maize to eat. 

She stood by while he ate like one long hungered, and 
he spake kindly to her, saying: 

"Good Niamana, you have saved my life. I was weak 
and worn with long fighting the terrors of the wilderness, 
and they found me an easy victim. In return I would 


impart to you the great secret of life and show you how you 
may not only be saved for this life but for the next." 

His words fell sweetly on her ears, and while she lis- 
tened to his wonderful story, she believed and she felt her- 
self drawn very near to him. 

"Fair child of the woods," he said, "go with me that I 
may teach you " 

Thus far had he got, when the chief and his party 
suddenly appeared in the little opening on the hill, he hav- 
ing missed Niamana and returned to search for her. In a 
moment he understood it all — the freedom of the pale face 
captive, Niamana's guilt in freeing him. 

Hast seen the fury of the autumn gale? hast seen the 
wild desolation the north wind brings from Chocorua's aw- 
ful peak? then know something of Ravena's wrath. When 
he stamped his foot the earth trembled, and when he 
frowned the sky turned black! 

"And this is the way Niamana pays her father for all 
his care of her, his silent solicitude, his love. Now feel his 
anger, which shall be sharper than the arrows of his quiver 
and more searching than the storm of winter." 

Ordering his warriors to bind the white priest again to 
the bigger pine, with his own hands he tied Niamana to the 
other growing near by, exclaiming when he had deftly 
turned the la«t knot: 

"Remain here until another sun rises that you may 
know how to obey your father." 

Then it was that the white man spake, and his words 
awed the red men into silence: 

"O chief of a benighted race, beware! There is One, 
for thy unmerciful acts against thine own, who will 
call thee to account. In yonder setting sun I read thy 
doom; in yonder cloud the darkness of thy fate. Thou hast 
stolen the twilight away and for thee- " 

A deafening crash in the sky drowned the words of the 
white priest and as the solemn peal rolled away over the 
very hilltops towards the mountains, the chief and his war- 
riors fled. 


Ravena alone had the courage to look back, and as he 
did so he saw with dismay that the white captive held one 
hand lifted over his head, as if pointing towards the rising 
storm, which had come most unexpectedly. Around the 
golden crucifix, which he had stuck in the ground at his 
daughter's feet, while he bound her to the pine, and forgot- 
ten to take with him, he beheld a bright aureole of light 
playing in fantastic shapes. 

The storm which raged for two hours or more was the 
most severe the oldest of the red men had ever witnessed, 
and in the morning, when Ravena dared to return to the 
hillock to look for his daughter, lo! she nor the priest were 
to be seen! And stranger yet, where he had left the golden 
cross a smaller pine than the two which he had previously 
seen was standing on the spot, and from that day to this, 
at the hour when its red chief had stolen the twilight away, 
the three pines make amends for his wrong by giving the 
sign of the cross and the sunlight lingers on the hallowed 
spot long after it has died from the neighboring hills. 

<3H)e permit ^rustfj 

By Mary Bailey 

There was a sunset and a wooded hill, 
There was a summer evening and a hush, 

Then clear from out the gold-flecked depths so still, 
There came the wondrous soul-song of a thrush. 

And I was there to listen. Now the years 
Are many since that evening and that song; 

Thrushes make music now for other ears, 
And other thrushes to that haunt belong. 

But my sweet bird sang an immortal note, 
The far call of a homesick heart for Heaven, 

And, though the time and distance are remote, 
Through all the weary waiting years at even 

There comes a hush at sunset 'mid the stress, 
The rush of labor with its fret and care; 

I seem to hear from out the wilderness, 

That plaintive bird-song that was like a prayer ! 


General 3!o£epJj Ctllep 

By John Scales, A. B., A. M. 

Conclusion of the New York Campaign Against 
the Indians 

FTER the army had completed the crossing of Lake 
Candagua, General Sullivan ordered General Hand 
to go with four regiments and capture a town a 
mile or more distant. General Hand hesitated and began 
to make excuses. He thought it would be a useless waste 
of lives; it would be dark before they could reach the vil- 
lage; in the dark the enemy would have the advantage on 
all sides and could stampede, or completely destroy the at- 
tacking force. Colonel Cilley was sitting on his horse lis- 
tening to the talk between Sullivan and Hand. He became 
impatient at the hesitancy and delay; he straightened him- 
self up in his stirrups and exclaimed, in the forceful way he 
had of saying things: "General Sullivan! give me leave and 
I will take the town with my regiment alone!" 

The general looked at the colonel a moment, and then 
gave the word, "go!" Colonel Cilley's bugle call was 
sounded and the regiment was in battle array for marching, 
just at dusk; before the men got halfway there it was so 
dark that each soldier was obliged to take hold of his file 
leader to keep in line and not get lost; thus they marched 
in Indian file until the village was reached. They found 
the place deserted; nothing was left for them to fight ex- 
cept swarms of mosquitoes, of which it would seem there 
were hundreds attacking each man. Under these condi- 
tions they encamped for the night, which they spent in 
fighting mosquitoes and keeping close watch that the wily 
enemy should not return upon them unprepared to defend 
themselves. In the early morning they burned everything 



that was combustible in the village, and returned to the 
army, where Colonel Cilley received the thanks of General 

The capital of the Five Nations was at Big Tree; when 
Sullivan's army reached there Colonel Cilley and his regi- 
ment witnessed the last scene of that war which completely 
crushed the power of the Five Nations and the Indians who 
had greatly aided the British since the beginning of the 
Revolutionary War. The town contained one hundred and 
twenty-two houses and wigwams. When all was ready 
General Sullivan gave the order to destroy it, in every part; 
make so much a desert no Indian could live in it. So, dur- 
ing one day, the whole army of more than four thousand 
soldiers were busily engaged in gathering corn from the 
fields and storing it in the houses. The task was not com- 
pleted until about noon of the next day, as the crops were 
immense. The soldiers then struck their tents in the vil- 
lage, and marched out a short distance and halted on a hill 
which overlooked the town, from which they witnessed a 
scene unsurpassed in that war of eight years. 

Soldiers had been stationed at each house, with torches. 
At the firing of a signal gun every house was set on fire, 
and all were consumed with the contents, leaving only huge 
heaps of roasted corn. Colonel Cilley was accustomed to 
say, in after years, that the sight of so many buildings on 
fire, the massy clouds of black smoke, the curling pillars of 
flame bursting through them, formed the most awful and 
sublime spectacle he ever witnessed. Awful as it were, it 
was trifling in comparison with the inhuman barbarities 
those Indians had inflicted on American citizens during the 
preceding years of the war. 

The army then commenced their return march to Tioga 
Point, where they arrived in a very needy condition on Sep- 
tember 30. When they started on the march up through 
the Indian country they left the principal part of their 
clothing at the fort, by general order; they were allowed to 
carry no more than they wore, with the exception of one 


spare shirt. The suits consisted of a short rifle frock, vest, 
shirt, tow trousers, stockings, shoes and blanket. March- 
ing nearly the whole time in the woods, among thick under- 
brush, their whole suit became fearfully worn. Many of 
the men returned barefooted, and became very footsore. 
Thus in rags and tatters they arrived at the fort, having 
completed one of the most remarkable campaigns of the 
Revolutionary War. 

They remained at Tioga Point until October 4, and on 
that day marched fourteen miles towards Wyoming (the 
modern town of Wilkesbarre). They arrived at that place 
October 7, about noon. From there they marched to Eas- 
ton where they arrived October 15, and encamped near the 
river. There they received the report of the committee 
appointed by General Sullivan, (of which Colonel Cilley 
was a member), to estimate the quantity of corn destroyed 
by the army, that belonged to the Indians. It was com- 
puted at one hundred and sixty-five thousand bushels. 
Whilst there they were ordered to attend divine service, 
under arms, in a large meadow, to return thanks for the 
signal success of the expedition, and the unparalleled health 
of the troops. A discourse was delivered by the Rev. Ira 
Evans of Concord, N. H. 

On October 27 Colonel Cilley's regiment commenced 
its march towards North River, and on November 25 they 
arrived at its south bank and crossed over to the New York 
side. Then they kept on their journey, by slow marches, 
until they arrived at their winter quarters in Connecticut, 
at a place about half way between Danbury and Newton. 
They began to build their huts December 3, and finished 
the job in about fifteen days, making everything very com- 
fortable for the cold winter that followed. They remained 
in camp there until April 6, 1780, when they broke camp 
and marched for West Point; they remained there until 
August 4. It is worthy of note here that Colonel Cilley's 
son-in-law, Col. Thomas Bartlett of Nottingham, was there 
at West Point at the same time in command of another 
New Hampshire regiment. 


Colonel Cilley's regiment left West Point August 4, 
and after crossing the river, by short marches each day 
they arrived, August 8, at Tappan, Orangetown, where the 
whole army encamped and remained there until August 23, 
when the army marched clown to Jenerich, N. J., opposite 
the upper end of Manhattan Island. September 17, Gen- 
eral Washington went on a journey to Hartford, Conn., 
and left the command of the army to Major General Greene. 
Three days later General Greene moved the army up the 
river to Tappan and they pitched their tents on the old 
camping ground. 

Five days later, September 25, they were apprised of 
General Arnold's plot, and of his escape, and of the cap- 
ture of Major Andre. Colonel Cilley with his regiment 
left Tappan, with the four brigades, October 6, under com- 
mand of General Greene, and marched to Haverstraw. On 
October 8 Colonel Cilley encamped his regiment on Con- 
stitutional Island, opposite West Point. The Second New 
Hampshire regiment also encamped there. October 25, 
1780, they crossed the river and marched to Soldiers Fort- 
une, where they built their huts and encamped for the win- 
ter, but they were called out to the lines many times by 
alarms of the enemy, so had a rather wide awake winter of 
it without any fighting. The winter was unusually severe, 
and the soldiers were often on the point of starvation, and 
were for days without meat, and nearly all the time on short 
allowance, while most of them had received no pay for 
about a year. As for clothing they were often so destitute 
that many of them could not do guard duty without bor- 
rowing from their comrades, while for shoes they were still 
more deficient, and parties who were on fatigue duty for 
firewood and forage could often be tracked by the blood 
from their bruised feet. 

( To be Continued) 


( Continued from page 256) 

where the road crosses. There is an old deed acknow- 
ledged July 6, 1680, from William Seavey to his son Wil- 
liam, both of Portsmouth, of a "mill on the side of the creek 
the mill stands on." This is rather lacking in definiteness, 
but is believed to mean Seavey's creek and probably refers 
to more than one mill. A history of the Seavey family is 
being prepared by Mrs. A. C. Hall, Stamford, Conn: 

John Odiorne, born about 1630, in Portsmouth before 
1657, was another settler on the south side. He married, 
rather late, Mary Johnson and had sons, Jotham, who died 
in 1748, and Deacon John, who lived at Odiorne's Point. 
Other early residents on the Rye side were Robert Pur- 
rington and Richard Tucker, both prominent men. Tuck- 
er died in 1679. Search has failed to find any trace of his 
children, though Tuckers afterwards lived in the vicinity. 

March 15, 1670, (3-i38a) Robert Lang bought of Rob- 
ert Townsend, both fishermen of the Isles of Shoals, a house 
and thirteen acres bounded westerly on Middle road eighty 
rods, southerly on the creek twenty-six rods, and easterly 
on land of Richard Goss. It is not said that Goss was liv- 
ing on this land. The tything men's list of 1678 seems to 
place him at the mouth of the creek. Robert Lang died 
February 16, 161 5-16 leaving sons Stephen and Nathaniel, 
who had nine sons and seven daughters. A generation 
•later John Lang, mariner, had land near Robert's, on the 
west side of the road back from the creek. His wife was 
Grace, daughter of William Brooking. They had a large 
family and were ancestors of the Langs of Lee and Wake- 
field. Robert Goss left two sons, Robert of Greenland, 
who had sons Robert and Joseph, and Richard of Rye, who 
who had many descendants. 

October 5, 1659, (2-33a) Nicholas Rowe sold Richard 
Shortridge one-half of a neck of land at the entrance to Saga- 
more Creek excepting four acres-previously sold to George 
Jones. Shortridge had a son Richard born by deposition 


about 163 1, and a daughter that married a John Davis who 
had land near by. The Exeter News-Letter of April 6, 
1906, had an article on the Shortridge family. 

William Berry is said to have been the first settler at 
Sandy Beach. He had sons Joseph, John, James and Wil- 
liam. February 11, 1673 (14-4560) Joseph and Rachel 
Berry sold Samuel Harris of Portsmouth land lying next to 
Richard Shortridge. In 1674 (3-io5a) Joseph Berry of 
Portsmouth, planter, and wife Rachel sold John Bowman, 
"late of Isles of Shoals," fisherman, a dwelling-house "at 
or near the entrance to Sagamore Creek, formerly in pos- 
session of Andrew Sampson and Samuel Harris," also 
twelve acres adjoining, "beginning at or near Thomas 
Onion's fence next to the creek, thence along the creek 
northeasterly to the mouth near Richard Shortridge's field 
and the land of Samuel Harris and so up along the south- 
ward ( ? ) side of the creek upon a southwest and by west 
line by the land of Samuel Harris to a pine tree marked 
four ways and from thence along northwest westerly by 
the said Harris's bounds to or near a black birch stump in 
the swamp, and next adjoining the land on bounds of Rob- 
ert Pudnington [Purrington] and so along by his bounds 
upon a southwest line nearest to the bounds of Thomas 
Onion, from thence along said Onion's fence as it runneth 
nearest to the creek or waterside where it began, being 
about forty-five poles." 

October 4, 1660, (2-440) Robert Davis, carpenter, who 
was in Portsmouth in 1648, sold Edward Bickford, both of 
Portsmouth, one dwelling-house together with four acres 
of upland between land of Thomas Onion and land of John 
Hart "in Sagamore Creek." Thomas Onion was killed in 
the Indian massacre at the Plains in 1696, aged seventy- 
four. Robert Davis in 1667 (2-i42a) deeded his estate to 
Robert Purrington for support for life. 

Mark Hunking, shipbuilder, bought land north of 
Baker's Cove, eastward of Little Harbor, March 26, 1666, 
(6-287.) He died the next year (Essex Antiquarian 6-134) 


leaving widow Ann, daughter Mary, who married Thomas 
Waycomb, eldest son Mark who was probably of age or 
nearly so, as he subscribed for preaching in 1671, and son 
Archelaus. The inventory mentions land at Little Harbor 
and on a neck of land, and a ship on the stocks. Twenty 
acres near William Seavey's, perhaps on Little Harbor, 
were willed to Archelaus. Mark appears in the tything 
men's list of 1678, apparently at Little Harbor. The 
H unkings were an influential family, and intermarried with 
the Wentworths. Hunking appears as a first name in 
many families. 

Probably the earliest road was the Pioneer road from 
Odiorne's Point westward. Other roads first needed, 
must have been from Little Harbor and the creek to the 
Great House at Strawberry Bank and the meeting house, 
which stood just east of the south mill bridge. A deed of 
May 29, 1655, (2-500) mentions the highways from Lane's 
sawmill to the houses near by, and that to Strawberry 
Bank, meaning, I suppose, the Middle road, or the lower 
part of it. It may be doubted whether it followed all the 
way the present crooked route. If so, shorter cuts were 
no doubt used. At the town meeting of March 12, 1671-2, 
it was voted "that Mr. Henry Sherburne and Sergeant 
John Moses is to lay out a foot highway from Sagamore 
Creek unto the meetinghouse and to make a return thereof 
to the selectmen to be recorded." Their return has not 
been found on record. A footpath was in use some years 
before this, and is referred to in a deed of October 26, 
1667, (3-1 ia) which mentions the dwelling-house of James 
Drew "standing near the common footpath that goes from 
Sagamore Creek to the meeting house." The house of 
John Jones, deceased, stood about forty rods east of Drew's. 

* The numbers in parentheses, except when otherwise stated, refer to 
volumes and pages of New Hampshire Province Deeds. 

ffloxk for ^mall Mm 

By Sam Walter Foss 

Don't hate your neighbor if his creed 

With your own doctrine fails to fit ; 

The chances that you both are wrong, 

You know, are well-nigh infinite. 

Don't fancy, 'mid a million worlds 

That fill the silent dome of night. 

The gleams of all pure truth converge 

Within the focus of your sight ; 

For this, my friend, is not the work for you ; 

So leave all this for smaller men to do. 

Don't hate men when their hands are hard, 

And patches make their garments whole; 

A man whose clothes are spick and span 

May wear big patches on his soul. 

Don't hate a man because his coat 

Does not conform to fashion's art ; 

A man may wear a full-dress suit, 

And have a ragamuffin heart. 

This, my good friend, is not the work for you; 

So leave all this for smaller men to do. 

Hate not the men of narrow scope, 

Of senses dull, whose brows recede, 

Whose hearts are embryos; for you spring, 

My dainty friend, from just this breed. 

Be sure the years will lift them up ; 

They'll toil beneath the patient sky, 

And through the vista of long days 

Will all come forward by and by. 

Hate not these men; this is no work for you; 

So leave all this for smaller men to do. 

Despise not any man that lives, 

Alien or neighbor, near or far; 

Go out beneath the scornful stars, 

And see how very small you are. 

The world is large and space is high 

That sweeps around our little ken; 

But there's no space or time to spare 

In which to hate our fellow-men. 

And this, my friend, is not the work for you ; 

Then leave all this for smaller men to do. 



Granite J>tatc magazine 

31 TBonihlp Publication 

[Copyrighted, 1°09.J 

>l. VI JULY-SEPTEMBER, 1909 Nos. 1-3 

)RGE WALDO BROWNE ? Managing Editor 

Terms: — Per Annum $1.50 

Single Copy IS 

To Authors. — The editor respectfully solicits contributions relating to state history, biography and legend 
1 those who are in possession of any incidents or narrative cf local or general interest. Any one not a regular 
er, and not situated to put his notes into readable form, is requested to send the rough draft and we will under- 
to put it into manuscript for the printer. Every article received will be carefully read and returned, if found 

Address plainly: Editor Granite State Magazine, 


No. 64 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H. 

:red as second-class matter, December 21, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, under 
the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. 

Printed by The Ruemely Press <a^^> 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H. 


e Post Rider. Character Sketch. No. VI. (Illustrated) 1 

lRK's Independent Command at Bennington. (Portrait) . .Herbert D. Foster 5 

e Battle of Bennington. (Illustrated) Dr. William O. Stillman 21 

jor John Moor, The Knight of Derryfield Hon. Albert Moore Spear 29 

e Return of the Fleet Editor 34 

e Eagle in American History George E. Foster 35 

tttsh Thrift Editor 36 

rophecy Editor 36 

)rge H. Brown, Mayor of Lowell. (Potrait) -.. 37 

Notice to ©ur £>ub$tvibzv& 

We wish to say to those subscribers who had paid in advance that 
:ir subscriptions will be advanced so that they will lose nothing by the 
ay in publication caused by doubling several numbers during last year. 

This number has been unduly delayed, but the succeeding issue is 
irly printed, and henceforth the magazine will be sent out regularly 
nthly. Several new features are to be added, and we have some of 
: finest articles upon important subjects that have come within our 

The leading article in the November number, written especially for 

by a competent writer, who gives the proofs of what he says, will 
-er the history of the building and running of a steamboat upon the 
nnecticut River several years before Fulton built his "Clermont." 


time, with the recent celebration upon the Hudson fresh in our 
and a subscription being raised to erect a quarter of a million 
monument to the memory of Fulton as "the inventor of the 
oat," this account is of great interest and value. It has been 
ted by an artist who has studied the subject thoroughly, 
tark's Independent Command at Bennington," begun in this 
r, and which we believe to be the best description of that striking 
jhly interesting movement, the most picturesque and important in 
volution, will be finished. Other articles of no less value will 

Rotes' anb Ouenes 

ith our next number we add to our own the subscription list of 
and Queries and Historic Magazine," published so many years 
late Air. S. C. Gould. Some of the features of that entertaining 
ne will be incorporated with the Granite State Magazine, so 
j trust those who were among its patrons will not feel that they 
st by the change. 
>ok for important announcements next month. 

Hiterarp Heabe£ 

;e pamphlets of local interest and of value to all who are seeking for information 
early history of Peterborough come to us from Mr. James F. Brennan, the his- 

iher of the Peterborough Historical Society, entitled respectively, "Origin of the 
the Town of Peterborough, N, H.," octavo, 8 pages; ''The Irish Pioneers and 

s of Peterborough, N. H., octavo, 8 pages; "Inscriptions on Gravestones in Two 

eteries on the East Hill' in Peterborough, N. H.," octavo, 68 pages. Copies of 

is presumed, can be obtained of the author. 

:e's Corners. P>y E. Clarence Oakley. Ornamented covers, cloth, i2mo., 242 
Richard G. Badger, Boston, Publisher. Price, $1. For sale in Manchester by 

le not what might be termed a "Wild and woolly western story of cowboy life," it 
:cidedly breezy manner and is a, story worthy of a reading. The hero is a live 
-, who comes into a stranded cross-roads town and immediately awakens the people 
ization of his presence. The characters are well drawn and the love are 
f pictured. 

idsrlok L Waite, 

odern Embaimer. 

isonal and cartful attention 
n nt nil times. Kxperienccd larly 
itant. 'ieie::houe 7'-i'2 2. 

.55 Hanover Street. 

Manchester, N. H. 

(2orns Gared 


The only corn remedy made by a prac- 
tical chiropdist of 20 years' experience. 

15 cents 

enough to cure many corns. The sur- 
est and best corn cure known. 


564 Washington St. Boston, Mass. 


ers," accompanied with illustrations. Speaking of illustrative 

we have a series of rare pictures, which will be given before 

>nths. "Indian Traditions and Folklore" will be resumed in an 

aber and continued until we have covered the subject-thoroughly. 


!aga?fne oi 

mtxitm Sffeforp 


Complete, except four .numbers of Vol. 1. Thirty vols., in 
, 173 numbers. 

Original Historical contributions by the foremost writers 
>eriod covering nearly twenty years, and a variety of here- 
3 unpublished letters and documents of the greatest value 
ose who delight in the history of our country, as also to 
nts of history. 

Out of Print and Rare 
The Whole Lot at a "Bargain 

Inquire at office of Granite State Magazine 




>dern Ernbalmer. 

soual and careful attention 
tat all times. Kxperieiic«d lady 
j(Bt. lelejilxone T-32-2. 

, 55 Hanover Street. 
Manchester, N. H. 

(Boms Qtired 


The only corn remedy made by a prac- 
tical chiropdist of 20 years' experience. 

15 cents 

enough to cure many corns. The sur- 
est and best corn cure known. 


564 Washington St. Boston, Mass. 

fn answering advertisements, please mention The Granite State Magazine. 

<©ramte J>tate Iteagajme 

a /^ontblp Publication 

[Copyrighted, 1909. J 

r l OCT.— NOV. 1909 No. 4 

WALDO BROWNE Managing Editor 

Terms:— Per Annum $1.50 

Single Copy IS 

.uthors. — The editor respectfully solicits contributions relating to state history, biography and legend 
who are in possession of any incidents or narrative of local or general interest. Any one not a regular 
not situated to put his notes into readable form, is requested to send the rough draft and we will under- 
it into manuscript for the printer. Every article received will be carefully read and returned, if found 

s plainly: Editor Granite State Magazine, 


64 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H. 

second-class matter, December 21, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, under 
the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. 

ited by The Ruemely Press «^^> 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H, 


untry Doctor. Character Sketch, No. VII. (Illustrated) 45 

the Land of Promise A New Englander 49 

d Latch-String. Old Theme Poem, No I. (Illustrated) Helen W. Clark 53 

tier Heroine Rev. Grant Pozvers 55 

sts in Geography . , Marvin Dana 55 

Independent Command at Benningtgn"' Herbert C. Foster 57 

\nd Faces. (Poem) Emory Charles Bean 72 

l Joseph Cilley. (Portrait) John Scales, A. M. 73 

ampshire Railroads , A Staff Contributor 81 


ving to the press of other matter, the article upon the first steam- 
1 this country, built by Captain Morey of Orford, has been 
:d until the December number, which will be out soon. Four 
tions, made expressly for this magazine will accompany the inter- 
sketch, written by Gabriel Farrell, Jr. 

le next issue will also contain a well-written sketch of Goshen, 
with several illustrations. 

January we shall begin the highly valuable series of articles 
d, "In Stage Coach Days." The first number will describe "The 

Granite Jkate ^aga^tne 

a «ft2onthlp Publication 

[Copyrighted. 1909.J 

I DECEMBER, 1909 No. 5 

VALDO BROWNE Managing Editor 

Terms:— Per Annum $1.50 

Single Copy 15 

ithors. — The editor respectfully solicits contributions relating to state history, biography and legend 
ho are in possession of any incidents or narrative of local or general interest. Any one not a regular 
ot situated to put his notes into readable form, is requested to send the rough draft and we will r- 
: into manuscript for the printer. Every article received will be carefully read and returned, if found 

plainly: Editor Granite State Magazine, 


4 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H. 

econd-class matter, December 21, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, under 
the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. 

ed by The Ruemely Press *3Sf£» 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H. 


Rifle. Old Theme Poem, No 2. (Illustrated) 89 

MTJEL Morey. (Illustrated by A. G. Gow) Gabriel Farrell, Jr. 93 

(Illustrated) A. W. and W. R. Kelson 104 

[THEW Clark. (Portrait. Poem) Marian Douglas 113 

jd Days. (Poem) Helen Merrill Choale 116 

Joseph Cilley. Chapter IV John Scales, A. £., A. M. 117 

Smportant t©ork£ 

,Te is being published under the auspices of the Manchester 
Association, George Waldo Browne, Managing Editor, a series of 
1 the early hjstory of the Merrimack valley of vital interest to 
Tson concerned in the first families of this vicinity. The series 

<ly Records of Londnderry, Windham and Derry, N. H., 
)2. A Complete and Exact Transcript of the Records of the 
delating to the Political Proceedings as Recorded in Vol. i, Com- 
nd Vol. 3, page i to 375, Old Town Books, with Illustrations, 
with Historical Introduction, Notes and Index, by George Waldo 
Substantially bound in cloth, octavo, deckle edge, gilt top, 
2S. Price, $2.50. 


ol. 2. Proprietors' Records of Londonderry, uniform with 
in preparation. 

ol. 3. Vital Records of Londonderry, containing clerks, 
church records and graveyard inscriptions. In preparation. 

niform with the above in stvle and work have alreadv been issued: 

ol. 1. Early Records of Derryfield, Now Manchester, 
1752-1785. Edited, with Notes, Annotations and Introduction 
Browne. Sent postpaid for $2.50. 

ol. 2. Early Records of Derryfield, Now Manchester, 

ol. 3. Early Records of Manchester, Formerly Derryfield, 

ol. 4. Early Records of Manchester, Formerly Derryfield, 

ol. 5. Continuing the w r ork. In Preparation. 

etal Records of Manchester, From its Earliest Settlement to 

These records consist not only of the statistics of the town 

but also the church records, family records and grave-yard 

tions. In preparation. Price, S3. 00. 

lese books are sold in sets at special prices or singly as listed. 
I discounts allowed to subscribers to the Granite State 

he New England Historical and Genealogical Register, edited 
A.pthorp Foster, in reviewing these works says: 

i public spirit displayed by this historical society in bringing out these valuable 
:ords shows that they have a true conception of the duties of such an organization 
useful work it may accomplish, not only for the benefit of their own township but 
rical student as well. 

ws and general early maps add to the entertainment furnished by the volumes, 
e clearly printed on excellent paper, indexed and substantially bound in cloth. 

)ld at this office, or sent postpaid. 


. Hanover Street. Manchester, N. H 



Hitcrarp HeabcS 

i of the United States and Its People, By Elroy McKendree 
een volumes. Vol, IV, The Burrows Brothers Company, Publishers 

ificent octavo volume of 397 pages, with its hundred of illustrations, many 
Durces unknown to the general historian, fully sustains the high character 
he former volumes. As the work progresses we become more impressed 

task Mr. Charles W. Burrows, the projector of the work, asked of Pro- 
ien he invited him to write it. The arrangement of the subject matter is 
y, and Professor Avery has the happy faculty of keeping squarely abreast 
lat he is describing in a manner which keeps the reader always informed 
itire situation of the period as well as the particular incident that may be 
sr consideration. 

simple and yet has at times the eloquence at the command of Parkmair 
juently enlivened with romantic and picturesque incidents, slight in them- 
iving us bright glimpses of the spirit of the times not to be found in the 
>rtions of historical material. 

3 W, Burrows has spent twenty years in collecting the material, and the 
vo volumes are lavishly adorned with reproductions of old maps, letters and 
raits and pictures, many of them in colors. These illustrations are really 
mt as the text. Dr. Avery is likewise giving his best years to the text, 
se, discerning, interesting and exact. 

covers the French and Indian War, ending with the fall of New France in 
erokee and the Pontiac War, Washington, Pitt, Fox, Wolfe, Montcalm, 
thorpe, Franklin and other gallant figures appear, and the volume forms an 
cresting sequel to its predecessors. 

)t a. dry or dull page in the whole book, which is a noble example of the liv- 
t abounds in history when told by one who is able to clothe his incidents in 
guage. Romance after romance is developed and the reader realizes, for 
h chapters as those describing the siege of Fort William Henry by Mont- 
French soldiers and Indian allies, when, after the English garrison was 
ider and, in spite of the fact that the French granted honorable terms, the 

in upon the hapless prisoners of war, murdering, pillaging and scalping; 
War of the Resolution was not fought by untrained Americans but by men 
n a land which had been harrassed by constant violence and treachery for 
t was a long and bloody period from Jamestown and Plymouth Rock to 

French and English fighting out in the new land, the feuds born in the old, 
ntly menacing all settlers, America in Colonial days was no safe haven of 
ardy bands of colonists who came from across the sea. These pre-Revolu- 
e surprisingly rich in military deeds, and Dr. Avery has illuminated the neg- 
l our history with a trenchant pen and many graphic descriptions. 

tion's of Seventy Years, By Frank B. Sanborn of Concord. In two 
:loth, gilt tops, illustrated with rare portraits, scenes and noted buildings, 
Iger, publisher, Boston. - For sale in Manchester by Goodman. 

iptuous volumes, written 41 a clear, vigorous style worthy of the author in 
us, are among the most notable produtions of recent years. As the editor 
leld Republican, The Boston Commonwealth and The Journal of Social 
last of the founders of the famous Concord School of Philosophy, and as 

PottsT Monarch Superiority 

(\ Lightest Touch, easiest action. Greatest speed, 
quickest return of typebars. 

Q Back Space Key, saves time and trouble when re- 
printing or making corrections. 

Q Variable Line Space makes it possible to write on 
ruled paper. 

C| Tabulator Key, tabulates in any number of columns ; 
you press the one key for any column. 

Q Made with eight different widths of carriage, writing 
any length of line up to 30.6 inches. 

Monarch Visible Typewriters Rented 

Manchester Typewriter Exchange 

Manchester, IV. H. 'Phone 580 

Expert Typewriter Repairing. All Machines 


d, often the literary executor, of such men as Emerson, Thoreau, Alcott and John 
Hr. Sanborn occupies a unique position and gives us in the reminiscences proba- 
crowning achievement of a remarkable career — a wealth of hitherto unknown 

ume I is devoted to his political life and Volume II to his literary life, the two 
lg an equal interest that few can claim. In the first instance we see his associ- 
ith John Brown and other anti-slavery men of that turbulent period described with 
•en, and his experiences in helping to keep slavery out of Kansas and then as an 
ember of the Massachusetts organization to carry out that purpose in New Eng- 
make him possibly the strongest living exponent of those trying years. He writes 
force and truthfulness of what he has seen and felt. 

lis second volume he again enters scenes quite as familiar to him and along walks 
famous, No mean member of that noted literary fraternity known as "The Con- 
nool of Philosophy" of authors and philosophers, and the intimate companion 
last surviving member of that fraternity make his recollections of those noted men 
nen exceedingly interesting reading. In speaking of these he says: "Variety in 
s the Concord spirit, exemplified in Alcott, in Emerson, and perhaps most strik- 
Thoreau. . . . The neglect of fame in Concord was sometimes from pride, as in 
rne, or humility, as in Emerson; or carelessness, as in Charming; but usually it pro- 
rom a clear view of its unworthiness, when contrasted with the inner motive and» 
if the mystic. More than any writers of their century they threw themselves at the 
hat 'Love whose other name is Justice,' as Emerson said; and their serene confi- 
ccasionally passing into spiritual pride, was born of this devotion to an ideal ser- 
t Pantheistic, though it used the phrase of Pantheism, and as far as possible from 
ern heresy of Agnostics. This is their chief claim title to a place in literary 

portraits, views and fac-similes, of which there are a good number, are mostly 
unpublished, or else. so long since or so privately printed that they will be new to 
o see the book. 

Sanborn is a native of New Hampshire and has never lost his interest in our state 
e facts make his work of enhanced interest and value to our readers. 

s American Indian Place and Proper Names of New England. By 
ouglas-Lithgow, M. D., LL. D. An octavo volume of 400 pages, with portrait of 
or. Salem Press, The Salem Press Company, Salem, Mass. Price, £5 net. 

nany respects this is a work of interest and value to the student of our local his- 
th-e compiler shows a wide research in the collection of his material. "While we 
.t he might have delved deeper into the derivation of our Amerind nomenclature 
s a long one and many hints are given relative to the meaning of local and general 
Each of the New England states is treated separately, over twenty pages being 
the names of rivers, ponds and localities in New Hampshire. Mr. Otis G. Ham- 
ssistant editor of the State Papers, furnishes an article on "The Orthography of 
impshire's Largest Lake." In this article Hr. Hammond gives one hundred and 
o different ways that the word Winnepesaukee is spelled in different records 
lanuscripts and papers. 

iddition to the Dictionary of American Indian Names, occupying about three hun- 
^es, there is a "Representative List of American Indian Proper Names Occurring 
istory of New England," to us the most valuable section of the work, and a "List 
'rincipal Indian Tribes, Representing the Aborigines of New England, The Princi- 
ects of the American Indian Language in New England," and a "List of Abnaki 





****** ™ 

s S ^U RITV 


H S3 r~i/;.j fz 





fc.4Q,S^O.J7 \ 




9 ; 5o9.67 

3. 377, 846. 70 

3.91 1.743. 34 



1,133,546. 06 

1. 193. 585. 49 

1. 252, ?.67.£e» 

>oks Bought, Sold and Exchanged 

fe read books, we write books, we believe in books, we deal in 
. We can furnish you any book you want as cheap, or cheaper, 
anyone else. If you are a subscriber to the Granite State 
zine, we offer special inducements. 

ederick L Wallace, 


lodern Embalmer. 

ersonal ;m<l careful attention 
en at all times. Kxperieneed ia-.iy 
igtnnt. '.telephone 732-2. 

o, 55 Hanover Street.! 
Manchester, N. H. 

Qorns (Bared 


The only corn remedy made by a prac- 
tical chiropdist of 20 years' experience. 

15 cents 

enough to cure many corns. The sur- 
est and best corn cure known. 


564 Washington St. Boston, Mass 


in Maine and New Hampshire." The last-named list was reprinted from a 
y the Hen. John G. Crawford, published a few years ago in the Manchester His- 
)llections. Though no place in the work shows Dr. Douglas- Lithgow to have made 
;p study of the subject, he has rendered a good service in his compilation of Indian 
nd names. 

w Hampshire as a Royal Province. By William Henry Fry, Ph. D. An 
volume of 525 pages; price, $3. New York. Columbia University, Longmans 
md Company, Agent. For sale in Manchester by Goodman. Sent from this office 

is excellent work covers an interesting period in history and does it in a most 
; and satisfactory manner. An introductory chapter gives the history of the settle- 
id desciibes the progress of affairs to 1679, when New Hampshire became a royal 
;. Chapter II treats of the executive system and condition; followed by succeed- 
)ters upon the legislature, the land system, finances, justice and military matters, 
rrative is brought down to 1775. The material has been drawn from the sources 
result is a first-hand presentation of facts concerning which it might be said there 
reat amplitude of detail in >ome parts. The work on the whole has been well 
d shows industry, historical insight and discriminating scholarship. 

e Rolfe and Rumford Asylum, 18 52-1909, By Joseph B. Walker. Frontis- 
arah Thompson, Countess of Rumford. Printed by the Rumford Printing Co., 
1, N. H. There are also a portrait of Count Rumford and three illustrations of 
se, making this pamphlet of 36 pages of more than passing interesting. 

ean Life in the Old Sailing Ship Days. By Capt. John D. Whidden 
lumerous illustrations, i2mo. Price, Si. 50 net; postage, 15 cents. Little, Brown & 
blishers Boston.' For sale in Manchester by Goodman. 

scribing as it does a phase of sea life now past this book possesses more than com- 

orphan at five, on shipboard r.t twelve, exposed to terrptation in every port, sub- 
:> the rough usage and strict discipline of our merchant marine of sixty years ago 
apprenticeship as boy, ordinary, and able seaman in the forecastle, graduating to 
econd, and first olhcer with quarters in the land of knives and forks, i. e., the 
ibin, and the sacred precincts of the quarter deck, ending with the command and 
nership of a fine craft; in all that time his feet clear of a ship's plank but twelve 
—such in brief is John D. Whidden's sea experience, covering a quarter-century, 
by him in the pages of this new book. 

his long service he visited many parts of the Far East, in South America, and the 
ranean. He was thrown in with many types of men, and his story shows a keen 
itron of human nature. The methods of the old seafaring days are here preserved 
ye-witness and a participant. The human interest is strong, and the book has a 
:yond that of fiction, being a personal record well worth preserving. 

If a dozen dainty volumes of poetry are among the latest invoice from the Gorham 
oston. These are all 121110., bound in cloth, and sell for Si each. 

:estis. By Carlota Montenegro, author of v< The Two Travellers," reviewed in 
ges sometime since. This is a more ambitious effort than the other, and reflects 
pon the young poet. Alcestis is a beautiful play founded upon the old legend. 

Risit's CENTURIARUM. The charming little volume by the Rev. James Davidson 


This is no mining or stock proposition. 
An American colony, free schools and no restrictions as to 
gious beliefs, good comfortable homes for every one. With a guar- 
eed income, will be prepared, who will accept the proposition 
ired. Parties able to invest $250 to 3500 in cash or installments 
. secure an investment that is guaranteed to pay 25 per cent and be 
ured as to the investment as well as the guaranteed profit. Investi- 
e and be assured. Agents wanted. J. Knupp. Mexico Planta- 
1 Investment. Room 214 Industrial Trust Building, Providence, 
ode Island. 


Jt§ap?mc of American ^fetorp 


Complete, except four numbers of Vol. 1. Thirty vols., in 
,rts, 173 numbers. 

Original Historical contributions by the foremost writers 
a period covering nearly twenty years, and a variety of here- 
fore unpublished letters and documents of the greatest value 
those who delight in the history of our country, as also to 
jdents of history. 

Out of Print and Rare 
The Whole Lot at a Bargain 

Inquire at office of Granite State Magazine 

Photo-Engraving, Printing, 
Book Binding. 


be Rumford Press Concord, N* R 

Photo-Engravers for the Granite State Magazine. 


11 of Amesbury, Mass., is a poem in fourteen chapters, covering the life of Christ. 
loubtless make a strong appeal to all classes of religious people. It is an ideal 
r Sunday school or church reading, and its teaching is true. 

E Haunted House. By Henry Percival Spencer. Besides the poem that gives 
the book there are five others of about even merit. 

izaheth of Boon esf.orough and Other Poems. By Pattie French Wither 
' This is a more ambitious effort and cDntains poems of varying degrees of interest- 
re tjurty-four lyrics, one at least having attracted us by its merit. This is ''The 
n's Creed,*' and holds some good lines. 

anging Voices and Other By R. D. Brodie. The author of this 
ok says in his opening stanza: 

So many voices fill the earth around 

No human can gather all the tunes, 

But some one voice predominant is heard, 

As the swelling notes of some sweet bird 

O'erwhelm all nature's quieter runes, 

That make that spot for us enchanted ground, 

That 'neath their spell we hear that voice alone, 

And silent others seem till that is gone. 

iTEKS FROM AN OZARK Spring. By Howard L. Terry. We cannot do the 
;reater justice than by quoting one of his poems: 


"Strike me not, O, sturdy woodsman, while as yet I am not dead 
Centuries have rolled beneath me since I raised on earth my head, 
And I stand a lonely monarch — for my race has passed away — 

• Looking on the stars at even and the busy world by day; 

I have seen my comrades falling all around me, one by one. 

So I ask you, leave me standing till my vital parts are run; 

Then, when all my leaves have fallen, and my arms are hanging low, 

And I feel no more the rain drop, or the winter's sturdy blow; 

When my trunk is dry and splitting and my roots imbibe no more, 
♦ Fell me, and, while I am falling, listen to my crash and roar; 
With me then shall go the stories which the ages caused to be, 
From the Saxon's early ages through the days of Chivalry; 

When I saw the fields around me soaking oft with human blood, 
Conflicts waged by greedy nations coming here from o'er the flood; 
When I learned the sign of battle in the night so clear and still, 
By the glimmering camp-fires burning brightly on the distant hill; 

When I saw the knights in armor on their chargers ride afield, 
And the hills returned the echoes when the brazen bugles pealed. 
England, garden thou of warfare, nourished with the nation's blood! 
All thy conflicts I have witnessed through my days of hardihood. 

Nightly would the Dryads gather 'round my trunk so huge and strong, 
Like the Druids 'round their altar told in story and in song; 

TFe K. A. Kelly Co. 

K. A. KELLY, Pres. and Treas. 

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value of $10 each, to furnish capital for financing their rapidly increasing- business. 
This Company manufactures Leather and Leather Goods, and market their pro- 
ts under the trade-mark vy- rt \ The trade-mark has been advertised through- 

the United States, Can- T^i ir A«akk ac j a> ant j Europe, and a rapidly growing bus- 
is, both domestic and export, is the result. The keenest captains of industry never fail to 
ize that the more they can eliminate or minimize competition the greater the success. There 
two ways of eliminating competition— one is by combination, or trust forming; the other, 
ch is the more legitimate, is by advertising a trade-mark and having its name a standard of 
leby which all ether goods are judged. When a manufacturer's goods have the call he is in- 
endent of all, both his competitors and dealers. All goods that are *\< n a 

today an acknowledged standard, and a rapid and healthy growth tr.\;; ^- J?mark 


The new addition to their factory about to be made will give an annual capacity of £200,000 

nished product, and the small conse - vative capitalization insures the 7 per cent dividend on 

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The safest and best paying investment that anyone can make is in preferred stock of a suc- 

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ull, covering all lost time, before any dividends can be taken for common stock. 

Hence the holder of preferred stock has first mortgage or lien on the earnings of the company. 

Any Stock That Pays 7 Per Cent Dividend for 

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Anyone seeking conservative and safe investments of any amounts, with such good returns, 
not afford to miss this opportunity to at least investigate the merits of this proposition. 
Address all communications to K. A. Kelly, Pres. and Treas. 

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leuiisce, 1M0 BfiaciiSt 


But no more I hear the bugle, nor behold the knight sublime — 
They are hurled away forever on the riving axis, Time! 

Then I saw the cities 'round me raise their spires high in air. 
And I often said within me, 'Slowly grows the world more fair'; 
But, alas! when all was gaining, I was losing day by day, 
From the surging, restless progress slow my comrades passed away. 

Where are they? I cry, I shudder; you have robbed me, let me be! 
Use your axe upon another, strike not such an aged tree! 
I will hurl my limbs upon you. crush your dwelling with my breath, 
In your dreams I'll fall upon you, mock your agonies of death! 

If you cut a notch upon me with your tempered blade of steel, 
So again I tell you, leave me, ere my warning words are real! — 
Ah, he hears me, every moment, like the years his form recedes, 
.While my throbbing heart within me on a glorious future feeds!" 

ERY Man His CHANCE. By Matilda Woods Stone, This is an excellent West- 
y told by a Western woman who knows the country about which she writes. It 
:he rapid rise and fall of a new Western town aspiring to be a city. The characters 
.r-cut and the romance stands out in a vivid light. Perhaps the better portion of 
y of hearts is to be read between the lines. The book is published by Badger, Bos- 
i the price is $1.50. For sale in Manchester by Goodman, or sent postpaid from 

e Man Who Ended War. By Hollis Godfrey. Illustrated, i:mo., cloth, $1.50. 
Jrown & Co., Boston. For sale in Manchester by Goodman. 

is Story deals with a man who, singled handed and inspired by a dread purpose, 
>d battleship after battleship, with a new and mysterious invention, 
s furthermore a swinging tale of how two strong American young men and one 
g American girl were caught in the strange web which moved mighty nations to 
> peace. 

3 scenes change from Washington to New York, to London, to Folkestone, on the 
Channel, and to the dunes beyond Scheveningen and back again to America, while 
ler's interest in the remarkable tale deepens with each succeeding chapter. 

Liff as a Disassociated Personality, by B. C. A., touches upon a question 
interest to many. This is the account of the experiences which have been men- 
n some of the papers in relating the story of a person who claimed to have lived 
ods under entirely different natures. Morton Prince, M. D., has written an 

Experimental Study of Sleep, by Boris Sidis, M. D., another pamphlet pub- 
iy R. G. Badger, Boston, deals with the problem of philosophical and psychological 
s such it possesses some suggestions for the student. The price of the first of 
imphlets is 50 cents, and that of the second $1 net. 

raham Lincoln's Religion, by Madison C. Peters touches upon a side in the 
he martyred president that has not been made too familiar. It is divided into three 
Lincoln the Man," "Was Abraham Lincoln a Christian?" and "Why Did Lincoln 
Join a Church?" It is published by Badger, Boston, and is well worth the price of 


UST Irish. By Charles Battell Loomis. Cloth, i:mo„ 175 pages; price, $1.25 
rd G. Badger, publisher, Boston. For sale in Manchester by Goodman. 

n this work Mr. Loomis seems to be at his best, and though he has ventured upon 
rous ground, he makes his trip in such a happy vein that no one can complain. He 
f his experience while upon a journey through the country and among the people he 
bes, and its quiet humor is both refreshing and interesting. Altogether we consider 
better book than ''Cheerful Americans." 

'he Trend of Scientific Thought Away From Religious Beliefes. By 
Henry Oliver Ladd. Price, 75 cents. Badger, Publisher, Boston. 

'his is a thought provoking little book, worthy a careful reading. Mr. Ladd has led a 
interesting life. Born in 3Iaine in 1S39, after graduating from Bowdoin College and 
Theological School in 1S63, he became professor of rhetoric and oratory at Olivet 
*e, then principal of the New Hampshire State Normal School. Next was a long 
to New Mexico, where he founded and was first president of the University of New 
:o. He also founded the Romona Indian School and the United States Indian 
>1 at Santa Fe. He was supervisor of the census in New Mexico 1SS9-1S90. First a 
regational pastor, he entered the Episcopal ministry in 1891. For the past thirteen 
Mr. Ladd has been rector to Grace Church, Jamaica, Long Island. 

almost the last of Richard G. Badger's long list of fall publications and the most 
le is Ibsen's Speechs and New Letters, issued with the authorization of Dr. 
i Ibsen. Dr. Lee M. Hollander of the University of Michigan contributes an intro- 
>n and a particularly notable feature is the chronological bibliography. That the 
is sure to meet with a cordial reception is proved by the fact that practically half the 
n has been sold in advance of publication — no small record for a book retailing at $3. 

Ir. Badger thinks he has established another poetical record in the sale of over 5,000 
> of Nancy MAClNTYREin the single month of November. It is interesting to note 
(radically all of these went west of the Mississippi. "Nancy Maclntyre" is a stirring 
of the praries and the author, Mr. Lester Shepard Parker of Missouri, seems to be 
ihet in his own country. 

"he Roman Catholic Church, and Its Relation to the Federal Government, 
ancis T. Morton. An octavo volume of 257 pages, cloth, gilt top, and title cover. 
% $z. Richard G. Badger, Publisher. For sale at this office, and sent post-paid. 

fhe sub-title of this work indicates its character and object in a few words. Mr. Mor- 
1 member of the Massachusetts bar, has made a careful study of the church and 
*and he writes in a clear-cut style, without prejudice or disposition to misstate the 
Of interest to every American who has the welfare of his country at heart, it can- 
lil to appeal to every intelligent Catholic. 

APOLOGIES for Love. By F. A Myers. i2mo., cloth, 401 pages. Price, §1.50. 
ird G. Badger, The Gorham Press, Publisher, Boston. For sale in Manchester by 

rhe publisher claims that this is a thoroughly modern story with a basic plea that 

who do not love are violators of God's law implanted in their being. By way of 

luction we quote the first paragraph of the story: " 'Do you remain long in Paris 


iss Wadsworth?' Earl Nemo Pensive inquired, as he seated himself beside her and her 
ther in the box of the theatre. His eyes like beaming lights out of shadowless abvsm 
2re transfixed upon her as by magic force, and not without a calculating purpose. No one 
»uld pre-determine the end of the influence begun by this initial stare upon so beautiful a 
)ung lady by such a man." 

The Guest at the Gate. By Miss Edith M. Thomas. Price, $1.50. 

This is Miss Thomas's latest volume. Her work is generally conceded to be the finest 
>etry produced by any living American — manor woman—and the new volume contains 
any things that are notable even for her. Richard G. Badger now publishes all of Miss 
homas's new work, "The Guest at the Gate" being the fourth volume he has issued, 
tiose preceding it are "The Dancers," issued in 1902. "Cassia," issued in 1904; and "The 
nildren of Christmas," issued in 1907. It is interesting to note that there is a constantly 
creasing demand for Miss Thomas's work, more copies of all her books having been sold 
1909 than any previous year. 

The Beginnings of New York. By Mary Isabella Forsyth. List 25 cents. An 
teresting description of the old city of New York and old Kingston, the first state capital. 

The Automatic Capitalists, By Will Payne. List $1. a clever story of the 
tiicago stock market, which attracted much attention when it had its serial publication in 
e Saturday Evening Post. 

The Countersign. By Claude P. Jones. Badger, Publisher. Price, $1.50. 
This is a thrilling story of love and war and Eastern adventure in a new setting, 
uriously enough, it is the first novel ever published whose scene is laid in Tibet, and the 
>portunity which this offers for new and brilliant pictures has been fully taken advantage 

by the author. "The Countersign" relates the story of an empire's downfall, and how 
is compassed by the bravery and charm of an American girl whom the Tibetans believe 

be a goddess. The story is full of sudden recognitions and chance encounters on which 
e destiny of hundreds of thousands depends, yet after all we like it best for the strong 
id healthy delineation of a great love which waives an empire to fulfill its destiny. The 
ory is not lacking in humor, and has a very attractive cover and frontispiece by Elliot 

The Haunted House. By Henry Percival Spencer. i2mo., 49 pages. Price, $1. 
idger, Publisher, Boston. 

While this volume of verse is. no doubt of considerable pleasure to the author, we 
ive no wish to detract from his enjoyment. Asa whole we are not particularly pleased 
irselves with the leading poem, "The Haunted House," partly because it was our fortune 
get somewhat nervous ourselves once over such a place, though we happily escaped 
eing "a demon squiring through a knot," as this versatile poet discovered. 

Elizabeth of Boonesborough, by Pattie French Witherspoon, is a poetical picture 
the days of Boone, and his daughter is the heroine. There is a love thread running 
rough this poem with the sharp edge of adventure dulled. There are other poems to 
;lp make up the book. We have forgotten the number of pages, but that does not 
atter, for who of us buys poetry by the yard? Badger is the publisher and the price is 
ir at one dollar, 

Skpmming the Skies. By Russell Whitcomb. i2mo., illustrated, cloth. 250 pages, 
ice, $1150. Richard G. Badger, Publisner, Boston, For sale in Manchester by Goodman. 


This is the second volume in the Comrades Courageous series and will make a wide 
appeal to every wide-awake youngster interested in airships, and who is not! The story is 
thoroughly up to date, full of such adventures as could readily be managed by two bright 
poung Americans, clean-cut and inspiring. 

Variations on an Old Theme By Johanna Pirscher. Cloth, izmo., 50 cents 
let. Badger, Publisher. 

This is a series of fanciful sketches that are veritable prose poems, exquisite in dic- 
:ion, delicate in imagination and profound in their philosophy of life. Miss Pirscher is 
lirector of modern languages at Ottawa University, Kansas. 


Three Thousand Dollars. By Anna Katherine Green, author of "The Leaven- 
vorth Case," and several other striking novels. This is a tasty volume of 157 pages, illus- 
:rated, i:mo., cloth. Price, $2. Richard G. Badger, Publisher, Boston. For sale in Man- 
:hester by Goodman. 

This is the first novel to come from this author for two years, and is worthy of her 
■eputation for building stories with thrilling elements and mysterious situations. The 
uterest of the story is strong and the subtle mental processes of the writer are seldom so 
.veil illustrated as in this book. There is a strong plot, a deep mystery, well-chosen 
iescriptions and the fine art of the master story teller. 

Five Cousins in California. By Gale Forest (Mrs. Robert C. Reinertsen.) 
"loth, 2S7 pages, illustrated, square back, artistic covers. Price, $1.50. C. M. Clark Pub 
ishing Company, Boston. For sale in Manchester by Goodman. 

This is a manly story of boys' adventure in the Golden State. The story is a clear-cut 
inscription of adventure, wonder-working and fun-loving scenes that come to the five 
■elated by kinship, as the title suggests, "the big four and the little five." Taken alto- 
gether they are a merry little band and the book is one that any parent can afford to buy 
md the boy who does not have the opportunity to read it misses a rare treat. 

Mary's Adventures on the Moon. By A. Stowell Worth. Illustrated, i2mo. 
:loth, 75 cents. Richard G. Badger, Boston. For sale in Manchester by Goodman. 

We have not got this book in hand to review it, for no sooner had our little girl, aged 
;welve, caught sight of it than she immediately took possession and is buried so deeply in 
ts amusing adventures that we have failed to recover it. Nor is there any likelihood that 
•ve shall before she has read this new Alice in Wonderland from cover to cover, and more 
han likely she will then turn back to the beginning and make the same route again. 
N'othing has pleased her so much since "Heidi" captured her interest more than two 
years ago. 

The Autobiography of a Neukasthene, as told by one of them and recorded by 
Margaret A. Cleaves, M. D. i2mo., cloth, $1.50. 

This is the biography of a physician in which the actual conditions are recorded. Dr, 
Cleaves is one of the most famous physicians in New York, specializing in mental and 
nervous diseases. The book will make a strong appeal to both the professional and the 
lay reader. , 

Granite ^tate .^|®aga?me 

a jtEonthlp publication 

[Copyrighted. 1909. j 

II MAY, 1910 No. 10 

WALDO BROWNE Managing Editor 

Terms: — Per Annum $1.50 

Single Copy 15 

uthors. — The editor respectfully solicits contributions relating to state history, biography and legend 
who are in possession of any incidents or narrative cf ioca! or general interest. Any one not a regular 
not situated to put his notes into readable form, is requested to send the rough draft and we will under- 
it into manuscript for the printer. Every article received will be carefully read and returned, if found 

s plainly: Editor Granite State Magazine, 


64 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H. 

second-class matter, December 21, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, under 
the Act of Congress of Match 3, 1879. 

ited by The Ruemely Press ..'-- fc 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H. 


ritan. Illustrated Character Sketch Veslor of the Farms 165 

Perkins Bass. (Portrait and Illustration) -/ Siaff Contributor 1G9 

mesteads OF New ENGLAND. (Poem) Fred My on Colby 175 

vsting Place. (Poem) Helen Merrill Choale 176 

'osts and Post Riders. (Illustrated) George Waldo Browne 177 

le's Coon Skin Coat. (Illustration by the Author) Stranger 185 

.VER Lining. (Poem) Nelson Glazier Morton 192 

vmpshire Fire Insurance Company. (Portraits) Gray Fairlee 193 

itor's Window 197 

Special Snnonncements 

veral series of uncommon interest and value have been secured 
i Granite State Magazine, and will be given as rapidly as 
/ill permit. Among these will be a series of text and illustra- 

storic and Picturesque New Hampshire. The pictures will 
oductions of old and famous paintings of scenery belonging to 
.te, as well as some of the best photos that can be obtained. 

(Continued on page viii) 

<©ramte «#tate jflEap^me 

a jtBoiithlp Puliation 

[Copyrighted, 1909.J 

ri MAY, 1910 No. 10 

WALDO BROWNE Managing Editor 

Terms:— Per Annum $1.50 

Single Copy 15 

s plainly: Editor Gpanite State Magazine, 


64 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H. 

second-class matter, December 21, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, under 
the Act of Cong'css of March 3, 1879. 

ited by The Ruemely Priss <*K^» 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H, 


ritan. Illustrated Character Sketch Ycs'or of the Farms 165 

Perkins Bass. (Portrait and Illustration) -/ Siaff Contributor 169 

mesteads OF New England. (Poem) Fred Myon Colby 175 

rsTlNG Place. (Poem) Helen Merrill Choate 176 

'osts and Post Riders. (Illustrated) George Waldo Browne 177 

le's Coon Skin Coat. (Illustration by the Author) Stranger 185 

,VER Lining. (Poem) Nelson Glazier Morton 192 

\.mpshire Fire Insurance Company. (Portraits) Gray Fairlee 193 

itor's Window 197 

Special SCnnonntemente 

veral series of uncommon interest and value have been secured 
; Granite State Magazine, and will be given as rapidly as 
/ill permit. Among these will be a series of text and illustra- 
ititled — 

storic and Picturesque New Hampshire. The pictures will 
oductions of old and famous paintings of scenery belonging to 
.te, as well as some of the best photos that can be obtained. 

(Continued on page viii) 


Master of Men 

.-.-.. ,._. 

'* " '-"■■ -. •:- - •". " ..,....;.. 




.=■► ''-'..-■ 







/ '--'V , ' 


' 5 ■ ^ ^ , 

■ i 













' .-,, 




u„\...,,. _.-.,-, . > • . ■„..,, 

>£&&. .i 

A Strong Story of New Hampshire Life 


Author of "The Woodranger." "The Hero of the Hills," "With Rogers' Rangers," Etc. 

Treating of people and scenes in the state during the closing years 
of the Civil War, this romance of Real Life possesses uncommon inter- 
est. It is not a political novel with a moral to teach; it has no great 
public grievance to settle; but it describes scenes within the circles with 
a graphic pen. 

The town meeting as it was conducted a generation ago, is pictured 
with wonderful fidelity to truth. The country store is the centre of 
great interest, and Judge Temple's "Court of Commons" the medium of 
remarkable results. The most stirring and dramatic session of the state 
legislature is described with a vividness that is unbroken until the end. 
The adventures of the Union soldier, hunted as a deserter, and the 
fortunes of the fugitive Southern soldier lend their share to the develop- 
ment of the story. A love thread runs through the book ; in fact, there is a 
double thread of direct bearing upon the interest of ail- 
All these are secondary to the interest that encircles the leading 
character of the book, Ruel Durkee. This farmer politician, man of many- 
sided influences, is treated in an impartial manner, and we see him as he 
was, in his strength and in his weakness, but withal a grand figure in 
the midst of trying scenes. 
Illustrated, 12 mo., over 300 pages, ornamented cover. Price $1.50 
RICHARD G. BADGER, Publisher, Boston, Mass. 

Sent postpaid for $1.25 by 


<0ramte Jkate IMaga^tne • 

a ,$3onthlj> Publication 

[Copyrighted. 1^0°. j 

VT* JANUARY-APRIL, 1910 Nos. 6-9 

E WALDO BROWNE Managing Editor 

Terms:— Per Annum $1.50 

Single Copy IS 

Authors. — The editor respectfully solicits contributions relating to state history, biography and legenc 

e who are in possession of any incidents or narrative of local or general interest. Any one not a regular 

id not situated to put his notes into readable form, is requested to send the rough draft and we will under- 

at it into manuscript for the printer. Every article received will be carefully read and returned, if found 


ess plainly: Editor Granite State Magazine, 


>. 64 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H 

as second-class matter, December 21, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, undo 
the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. 

inter! by Thk Ruemely Press «sf||§a>- 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N". H. 


UR du Bois. Character Sketch G. Waldo Bnnone 125 

ld Crown Point Road Elon. Alvi)i S. Burbauk 12V> 

xen. (Poem) I'M) 

Orforo AVr. Grunt Powers HO 

. Potter 77u Editor 142 

PEN Roai>. (Poem) Frances E. Ealkenbury 144 

OSEPH ClLI.KY • - • John Scales, A. B.. A. M. 14.', 

own Bill A Monologue Dorris L. Burke 161 

an Gold. (Poem) Winthrop Packard 164 

important T©orfe£ 

^here is being published 'under the auspices of the Manchester 
ric Association, George Waldo Browne, Managing Editor, a series of 
on the early history of the Merrimack valley of vital interest to 
person concerned in the first families of this vicinity. The series 
iy comprises: 

^arlv Records of Londonderry, Windham and Derrv, N. II., 
[762. A Complete and Exact Transcript of the Records of the 
s Relating to the Political Proceedings as Recorded in Vol. i, Com- 
and Vol. 2, page i to 375, Old Town P>ooks, with Illustrations, 
d, with Historical Introduction, Notes and Index, by George Waldo 
tie. Substantially bound in cloth, octavo, deckle cdg<.i, gilt top, 
ages. Price, $2.50. 


American Canned Goods Co 


Japital Stock $750,000 ISK^ol^ Par Value $10 


There is no more prolific source of profit than that of manufacturing and supply- 
ing food products for the public. In the case of an article of quality and repute there 
is no limit to the volume of trade. Food products, as such, appeal to all. both rich and 
poor. They must be bought and consumed daily and hourly; if trade be good, or dull, • 
or bad, there can be no diminution in the demand for these necessities of life. Conse- 
quently there can be nothing more valuable or more likely to- produce immense profits 
than the proprietorship of a food product, whatsoever it may be, granted only that it. 
is reputable and satisfying. 

How much more/then. is the opportunity for profit if, in addition to being able to 
supply high-class Pure Foods, eagerly demanded, as they are, by the millions of popula- 
tion daily, this pure food product is supplied in a form unique and wonderful, such as 
the American Canned Goods Company's Self-Heating Can. The high quality 
soups, entrees, vegetables, tea, coffee, cocoa, etc., is guaranteed by the rigid inspection 
of the United States under the new Pure Food Laws. The government authorities 
aave inspected and thoroughly approved both the Can and its contents. 

The wonderful package which contains these food products, the Self-Heating: 
Can, is a means whereby the housewife, the busy worker in factory or office, the miner, 
the camper-out or the sportsman can instantly — without a fire or without even striking . 
a match — produce a hot meal, satisfying, succulent and delicious with just a little 
cold water. The possibilities of such an article are almost beyond comprehension. 
For the Army and Navy, for Public Service Corporations: for the home, during illness. 
for the thousand and one times when a hot dish is needed,, and needed quickly, the 
Self-Heating Can is the only means of supply if a kitchen fire is not possible or 

Without a rival and indeed without a competitor, this article stands alone amongst 
the food products of the country. Its use appeals to nearly 90,000,000, the entire popu- 
lation of these United States; there is hardly a person, man or woman, who at some 
time or other does not need the Self-Heating Can. Those who have already tested its 
wonderful property — that of instantly providing a hot meal without c fire — 
have welcomed it eagerly and enthusiastically, and it only remains for the American 
Canned Goods Company to make the whoie of the country aware that such an arti- 
:le is on the market and available for use, for the present factory to find its present 
imple working space even too limited for its needs. 

In addition to these millions of customers virtually at the company's door, must be 
:onsidered the many millions more in Central and South America and in the countries 
beyond the seas. The American Canned Goods Company holds practically the 
svorld rights for this remarkable invention, owning twenty-one foreign patent rights cov- 
ering the principal countries of the globe. 

This is not a new food, a new cereal or a new coffee dependent for its success 
jpon some peculiar quality or upon gigantic advertising, but it is the food we have been 
;ating and drinking for years, supplied in a marvelous and novel package, the only 
one of its kind on the market. 

The "WONDBR" Self Heating Can. Soups and entrees heated 
thout the use of fire. 

An unusual opportunity for safe and profitable investment. Stocks offered at 
per share. Investors in such companies as "Quaker Oats," "Postum Cereal," "Force," 
■anco American Soups now receiving from 10 per cent to 60 per cent dividends per annum 

Shrewd investors are taking stock rapidly. Get yours before it is too late. 



What Some Well Known Food Companies Have Done 

From the following brief history of what a few leading food concerns have accomplished within 
the past few years, a fair estimate can be made of the value of the stGck of a successful focd 
company : 

Posturn Cereal Co., Battle Creek. Mich., started business in 1S95. Incorporated in 1S&6 for 
$50,000. Increased their capital stock in 1901 to $5,000,000. Fronts said to be considerably over a mil- 
lion dollars Jast year. No stock for sale. 

Every 3100 invested in this company when it was started now represents §100,000. 

This company is estimated to be worth between fifteen and twenty million dollars. Every early 
stockholder has been made independent. 

The Natural Food (Shredded Wheat Biscuit) Co., of Niagara Falls. N. Y., started business 
only a few years ago with a capital stock of 550.000. They increased their capital a short time ago to 
$10,0o0.000. Their profits estimated at 31. 200, W0 a year. Business steadily growing. No stock for sale. 

Every S100 originally invested in this concern has been multiplied over a thousand times. Every 
early investor made a comfortable fortune out of this stock. 

The Force Food Co., of Buffalo, N. Y., incorporated in 1901; capital stock, $500,000. Estimated 
profits, $100,000 a year. No stock for sale. 

The Quaker Oats Co. was incorporated under the laws of the State of New Jersey in 1901, 
with an authorized capital stock of 812,000,000, 38,000,000 preferred and 34,000, CC0 common. 

On August 23, 1905, the entire property of the American Cereal Co. passed into the hands of this 
corporation. Their total assets are now stated at 316,460.000. 

They have paid 6 per cent annual dividend on 38,000,000 of preferred stock for the past four years, 
in 1908 they,retired 31.600,000 5 per cent bonds and paid 20 per cent dividends on $4,000,000 common stock. 

The annual profits are estimated to be more than §2,500.000. 

The Cream of Wheat Co,, Minneapolis, Minn., started in business in 1397 on less than 
$25,000 capital- Erected a large new factory last year, costing more than 3100,000- Estimated profits 
$50,000 per annum- No stock for sale. 

Every one of their early stockholders have been made independent- 

A letter from each of these concerns in answer to an application to purchase a block of their 
stock states "No stock for sale. " 

There are no such conditions to be found in any other commercial industry in America, and prob- 
ably not in the world. 

It is well known among food manufacturers that the estimated profits of these food concerns are 
much below their actual earnings. 

The proprietary food business stands alone as the richest field and the greatest money-maker 
before the American people.' 

None of these concerns possess the unique advantage possessed by the American Canned Goods 
Co-, nor had they at the beginning nearly so broad a field wherein to work. These breakfast food con- 
cerns have had to create their field of trade. The A merican Canned Goods Company has its trade ready 
made, inasmuch as it supplies"everyday"foods,not special foods.but in a novel and remarkable package. 

The field is much more promising today and millions of dollars are being spent to tell the people 
about the food question. There are hundreds of concerns doing this every day, but there is only one 
concern, the American Canned Goods Company, able to supply the every-day food which the public 
demands, and requires, in the Self-Heating Can- 

It is said by an eminent advertising authority that any proprietary food article that, happens to 
strike the public taste, will return a fortune to its maker. 

Every one of the above food concerns named has proven the truth of this statement. 

It is credibly stated that there are hundreds of small industrial corporations throughout the 
country which have paid their stockholders from 20 per cent to 40 per cent per annum, concerns that 
are never heard of, because their stock is never ottered for sale. There is estimated to be a million peo- 
ple in the United States, who have made themselves independent for life, by early investment in the 
stock of industrial corporations. 

Considering age and actual earnings, the proprietary food business stands today at the head of 
all American enterprises. 

The unique opportunity now pres ents itself to invest in a food company having 
afield of possible trade lar ger than the largest existiny concern, controlling an ar- 
ticle of universal demand, s old at a popular price and wit h possibilities of dividends 
and profits not excelled, or perhaps not e qualled, by any existin g industria l 

Shrewd investors are taking stock rapidly. Gets yours before it is too late. 

miWU C8MB GOODS CO., EeOiK 530, SfOCK EXCftap BniMiUfl, BDSTQH. 

Factory, Jersey City, N. J. Capacity, 10,000 Cans per Day 

Write for information and representative will call and demonstrate cans to you 

5 -a a. 

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( Continue J from page Hi ) 

ie descriptions are written by ar; experienced writer. Printed upon 
e best of paper with the best of ink, these articles will be worth alone 
e price of the magazine. They will begin with the July number. 

Stark at Bennington. Illustrated with about twenty portraits 
Gen. John Stark, and nearly as many scenes and pictures relating to 
5 life, by the late Henry W. Herrick and others, will prove the finest 
llections ever made of this subject. 

Scout Journals. These valuable papers, never before in print, 
11 be continued from time to time. Besides other valuable documents 
d papers, these will contain "The Battle of Lake George," by the 
:>n. Samuel Blodget, with a fac simile of his plan drawn at the time. 

Lovewell's Fight and the Men Who Were in It. Another 
tremely valuable series by Hon. Ezra'S. Stearns. By far the most 
mplete collection and account of that sanguine affair thaf has ever 
en attempted, Mr. Kidder not excepted. This will be supplemented 
the Legend of the the Last Council of the Amerinds, by George 
aldo Browne. Illustrated. 

Indian Traditions and Folklore will be continued until the 
bject is fully covered. There is not a river, mountain or lake that 
es not bear the memory of the Amerind, while interwoven with them 
i the tales and traditions that keep alive the memory of the vanished 
:e. This is the first attempt to collect and preserve in a connected 
-m the fragments of unwritten folklore that linger on the borderland 
history. Our illustrations are from various sources and add mate- 
lly to the value and interest of the series. 

New Hampshire in the French and Indian Wars. Illus- 
.ted. By George Waldo Browne. This is a subject which has 
:eived far too little attention from the historians of the state. Major 
)gers and his hardy band of Rangers for the first time will be given 
it and adequate credit for their arduous work. This series will run 
rough an entire year, or two volumes. 

Other articles of equal merit and interest will be given, making the 
ianite State Magazine the best state magazine published. No 
rson in any way interested in the state, past or present, can afford to 
without it. In the years to come, as well as to-day, the owner of a 
mplete set will turn to it with pleasure and satisfaction. Its value 
il never be less. 

64 Hanover Street. Manchester, N. H. 

SL /EJonthlp Publication 

[Copyrighted. 1*0°. J 

VI AUGUST, 1911 No. 11 


\ DANIELS Business Manager 

Terms: — Per Annum $100 

Single Copy 10 

> Authors. — The editor respectfully solicits contributions relating to state history, biography and legend 

ose who are in possession of any incidents or narrative of local or general interest. Any one not a regular 

and not situated to put his notes into readable form, is requested to send the rough draft and we will undeT- 

put it into manuscript for the printer. Every article received will be carefully read and returned, if found 


dress plainly : Editor Granite State Magazine, 

iO. 04 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H. 

I as second-class matter, December 21, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, undeT 
trie Act of Congress cf March 3, 1879. 

Printed by The RUEMELY Press •gg^ 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H. 


PICTURESQUE Land. (Illustrated) Gray Fairlee 201 

• Hopkinton Arthur G. Symonds 20$ 

At EVENTIDE. Poem Florence Louise Bush 216 

IKS IN WhiiTIER-LanD, (Illustrated) Martin IV. Hoyt 217 

age-Coach Days. (Illustrated) George Waldo Br oivrie 22") 

Clock Tinker. (Illustration by Frank French) .... Nestor of the Farms 233 

dr's Window 237 


In sending you this number of The Granite State MagazinjS 
/ish to offer a few words of explanation and suggestion. Until re- 
ly the entire work of editing, publishing and financiering the publi- 
•n has devolved on one man. Now other men, amply qualified for 
undertaking, have taken hold with him, and a complete re-organiza- 
of the corporation has been effected. Mr. Joe W. Daniels, widely 
favorably known, will henceforth be the business manager; Mr. 
Valdo Browne will remain its editor; while the Ruemely Press will 
t the magazine as heretofore. 

With this working force we can not only promise to send you the 
azine regularly in the future, but will make it the best of its 


Master of Men 

>... . . 

A Strong Story of New Hampshire Life 


Author of "The Woodranger," "The Hero of the Hills," "With Rogers' Rangers," Etc. 

Treating of people and scenes in the state during the closing years 
of the Civil War, this romance of Real Life possesses uncommon inter- 
est. It is not a political novel with a moral to teach; it has no great 
public grievance to settle; but it describes scenes within the circles with 
a graphic pen. 

The town meeting as it was conducted a generation ago, is pictured 
with wonderful fidelity to truth. The country store is the centre of 
great interest, and Judge Temple's "Court of Commons" the medium of 
remarkable results. The most stirring and dramatic session of the state 
legislature is described with a vividness that is unbroken until the end. 
The adventures of the Union soldier, hunted as a deserter, and the 
fortunes of the fugitive Southern soldier lend their share to the develop- 
t ment of the story. A love thread runs througrh the book ; in fact, there is a 
double thread of direct bearing upon the interest of all. 

All these are secondary to the interest that encircles the leading 
character of the book, Ruel Durkee. This farmer politician, man of many- 
sided influences, is treated in an impartial manner, and we see him as he 
was, in his strength and in his weakness, but withal a grand figure in 
the midst of trying scenes. 
Illustrated, 12 mo., over 300 pages, ornamented cover. Price $1.50 
RICHARD G. BADGER, Publisher, Boston, Mass. 

Sent postpaid for $1.25 by 



tss published. This may seem like boasting, but wait and see if we do 
>t keep our word. Its quality in the past is certainly indicative of 
lat we can do under favorable conditions. 

The subscription price hereafter will be only one dollar a year; ten 
nts for a single copy. This does not mean that we intend to cheapen 
e quality or lessen the quantity of the magazine, but with the increased 
vertising patronage we expect to be able to do this and give you 
oetter monthly. 

From reports that have come to us it is evident some one has been 
king subscriptions who has not sent them in to us. As fast as we learn 
these parties we place their names upon our books and they will get the 
agazine for the time paid. We would take this opportunity to caution 
I persons from paying money to strangers on our account, unless they 
ive written authority from us. 

We have been through our books very carefully and adjusted the 
ne of each subscription, and the date to which you are credited is 
hited upon the wrapper. Please note this, and if you are in arrears 
ndly remit at your convenience, so we may begin our new accounts 
ith clean books as well as a clean conscience. 

At this time we cannot refrain from calling your attention to some 
the attractions begun in this number, and others to follow soon. The 
:ries entitled "The Picturesque Land" we believe will be alone worth 
ore than the price of the magazine. The illustrations will consist mainly 
reproductions of famous and historic paintings, accompanied by short 
^scriptive articles. The printing of these pictures will be the best work 
)ne by the Ruemely Press. An article on "The Pictures and Litera- 
ire of the Picturesque Land" will be given in an early number, which 
ill add to the interest of the series. 

"Rambles in Whittier-Land," begun in this number, was written 
specially for this magazine by Mr. M. W. Hoyt, who is a Dartmouth 
raduate and an author of well-known repute. 

"In Stage-Coach Days" will run through this volume, relating many 
iteresting incidents of the days before the steam horse and the elec* 
ic car. 

Among the attractions listed for early space are, ''The Indians of 
ie Merrimack Valley," by Hon. John G. Crawford; "Story of the Con- 
ecticut River," "Life of Col. William Stark," "Oldtime Sketches," 
Indian Traditions and Folklore," town, biographical and historical 
ketches, etc., etc. 

So, thanking you for past patronage, and hoping to retain it, we are, 
Sincerely yours, 

The Granite State Publishing Co. 








3,163.63005 I 
3.303-575.24 r 

■972. 327. 2< 

Fire Insurance Co. 

3.377. 645.73 


3IO. 836 19 

9Q.OI7 46 

3.553. 270. 70 

193. 546.03 

1.199.685 .49 

252.207 06 

.257. OSS. 25 

.322 973. 14. 


TOTAL LIABILITIES $2,424,939.88 

(Barrier's Rheumatic Pills 


They Invariably Relieve Rheumatism and Neuralgia 


Druggists Sell Them 


In Large or Small Lots. We Pay Cash. Address 

Granite State Pub, Co., 64 Hanover St., lYianchester, N. H. 


Not Jong since we were frequently reminded of our "abandoned 
s" until it became almost a by-word, a term of reproach. Of late we 
been hearing less and less. In truth one of this class has become 
Dject of interest, and is eagerly sought after by many. We do not 
to look far for the explanation. Abandoned farms there are yet; al- 
; will be, for that matter, as long as the inevitable happens. But no 
ir are they looked upon with disdain, or passed scornfully by. Their 
y walls echo not to voices that are dumb, but the cheerfulness 
ppy lives enliven the scene. 

^Vhile revived interest, and greater promise of profit in farming, has 
mich to do with the purchase and improvement of hitherto deserted 
5, making the new owners permanent inhabitants, another factor 
ntered the field of equal importance, perhaps paramount, because 
jenefit he has given has encourged the former to enter heartily into 

\s far as it has been able to gather statistics relating to the changed 
ition, the state board of agriculture says that over three hundred 
cupied farms were, purchased in 1909, and probably an even greater 
)er in 1910. Many of these places Were bought with the pur- 
of making them sources of profit under new systems and 
:hes of agriculture. Still it is evident that a majority were obtained 
the idea of improving them for places of rest and recreation during 
'acation season. There were also those bought for an entirely dif- 
it purpose than either of these. Particularly in the lake country, 
ted homesteads and even wild lands were purchased for develop- 
under modern methods of handling real estate, by dividing them 
suitable lots for those who cared only for sufficient territory upon 
h to build a bungalow or summer dwelling, where they could enjoy 
delightful scenery, invigorating atmosphere and health-giving quali- 
3f our northern wonderland. In some instances these dwellings 
been built by the improvement companies, who would sell them at 
^rate prices to those who cared to purchase. Thus, in many in- 
es, a number of homes have been created beyond the actual num- 
f original sales. 

rhe same authority which we have already quoted states that the 
il summer business of New Hampshire amounts to over $ 15, 000,000- 
includes those who own country homes in New Hampshire and 
1 from three to nine months of every year in them; those who rent 
-s for the season; those who are summer guests at hotels and board- 
ouses; those who spend their vacations, a week, a fortnight or a 

New from Cover to Cover 

^ NEW 


JUST ISSUED. E3.b Chief, Dr. 

W. T. Harris, former U. S. Com. of Edu- 
cation. General Information Practically 
Doubled. Divided Page : Important Words 
Above, Less Important Below. £} Contains 
More m Information of Interest to More 

People Than Any Other Dictionary. 


400,000 WORDS AtfD PHRASES. 

GET THE BEST in Scholarship, 
Convenience, Authority, Utility. 




Write lor Specimen rages tc 
G. & C. MERRIAM CO.. Publisher!. Spring field. Haw. i I 
Yotj will do us a favor to mention thia publication, i j j 

Frederick L Wallace, 


SVIodern EmbaSmer, 

Personal and careful attentioj 
givenatall times. Kxperiencetl lad; 
assistant. Telephone 732-2. 

No, 55 Hanover Street 

Prof Henry A. Fis 

will reopen his 


at Dearborn Memorial Hall. Manchester, N". 

Tuesday Evening, October 3,191 

Each lesson 35 cents per night (3 houi 

The Professor teaches all the latest dam 
in, a rapid manner by a simple method. 

Photo-Engraving, Printing, 
Book Binding. 


The Rumford Press Concord, N. H 

Photo-Kngravers for the Granite State Magazine. 

Books Bought, Sold and Exchangee 

We read books, we write books, we believe in books, we d 
in books. We can furnish you any book you want as cheap, 
cheaper, than anyone else. If you are a subscriber to the Gran 
State Magazine, we offer special inducements. 



lonth, in New Hampshire; and the grand army of "transients," railroad 
xcursionists, automobile tourists and pedestrians. 

.The permanent investment of this vast array of business is esti- 
lated to average not le^s than 52,000,000' annually. What a promising 
Litlook lies here, with every prospect of a steady increase year by year, 
lS the scenery and natural attractions of our state become more widely 
nown by personal knowledge New Hampshire's fame as a place of slim- 
ier resort becomes more firmly fixed in the minds of all seekers after 
jst and recreation from the routine of busy days elsewhere. 


"Early Generations of the Founders of Old Dunstable." Ezra S, 
teams, A. M., author of "-History of Rindge, N. H.," ''History oi Ash- 
Lirnham, Mass.," "History of Plymouth, N. H." Octavo, cloth, 103 
ages. George E. Littlefield, Publisher, Boston. Price, $3, 

Showing the same pains-taking czre that Mr. Stearns usually devotes 
) his work, this volume is of great value to him who is seeking informa- 
on regarding the pioneers of the territory included in Old Dunstable, 
le ground of more stiring history covering the earlier periods of settle- 
ent in New England than probably any other section. 

Let us weave the warp of finance so it will literally produce the cloth of GOLD 


Unlisted STOCKS and BONDS Bought and Sold 


oom 11 Odd Fellows Building Manchester, N. H 

Telephone 2086 W 

Jmon Lmndry 

F. C. CURTIS, Proprietor 

Shirts, Collars and Cuffs 
a Specialty 

Parcels Called for and Delivered 

and 56 Massabesic St. Manchester, N. H. 

Telephone 1922 

for business, pleas- 
ure or investment. 
$300.00 to $50,000.00. 
Circular free, postal brings it. If you 
have a farm to sell, send for descriptive 
card and terms. We want agents 
where we are not represented. Send 
for blanks. Dept. 144. 

P. F. Leland's Farm Agency 

Established 1892 
1 1 3 Devonshire St. Boston, Mass. 


i'MlvM&g m 



fy?m wmrr °r-gvi e \ ^vrf^c e OM|f ,7/f 

// 717 

/ / 



^/fraur a* vf f 1 i no pypfa^ki/wngj-Mj c kll 






Granite J>tate ^aga^tne 

a jCQontblp Publication 
[Copyrighted, 1909. J 

Vol. VI SEPTEMBER, 1911 No. 12 


fOE W. DANIELS Business Manager 

Terms: — Per Annum $1.00 

Single Copy 10 

To Authors. — The editor respectfully solicits contributions relating to state history, biography and legend 
rom those who are in possession of any incidents or narrative cf local or general interest. Any one not a regular 
writer, and not situated to put his notes into readable form, is requested to send the rough draft and we will under- 
:ake to put it into manuscript for the printer. Every article received will be carefully read and returned, if found 

Address plainly: Editor Granite State Magazine, 

No. 64 Hanover Street, Manchester, N. H. 

Entered as second-class matter, December at, 1905, at the post office at Manchester, New Hampshire, under 

the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. 

Printed by The Ruemely Press «^>»- 143 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H, 


rHE Picturesque Land. (Illustrations from Oakes' White Mountain Scenery) 

, Gray Fair lee 241 

N t evv Hampshire Hills. (Poem) Lucy Alice Perkins 246 

Pioneers of Sagamore Creek John M. Moses 249 

Rambles in Whittier Land. (Illustrated) Martin IV. Hoyt 257 

[n Stage-Coach Days. (Illustrated) George Waldo Brozote 265 

Character Sketch. — The Viking Nestor oj the Farms 273 

The Prophet of the Pines Laconica 277 

The Hermit Thrush. (Poem) Mary Bailey 280 

General Joseph Cilley John Scales, A. M. 

Work for Small Men. (Poem) Sam Walter Boss 288 


With the next, October, number we begin Volume VII. The at- 
tractions of this issue will be varied and of uncommon interest. The 
illustrations for Picturesque Land will be from original paintings by J. 
Warren Thyng and the text treats of the gateway to Franconia Notch. 

3 rof Henry A. Fisk 

will reopen his 


Dearborn Memorial Hall, Manchester, N. H. 

Tuesday Evening, October 3, 1911 

ach lesson 35 cents per night (3 hours) 
The Professor teaches all the latest dances 

Union Lmndry s 

F. C. CURTIS, Proprietor 

Shirts, Collars and Cuffs 
a Specialty 

Parcels Called for and Delivered 

54 and 56 Massateic St. Manchester, N. H. 

Telephone 1922 

i a rapid manner by a simple method. 

C~ AD 14/10 for business, p leas_ 

i M 1 ■ 1 V S o ure or investment - 

1 M1IIMU $300.00 to $50,000.00. 

Frederick L. Wallaoe, 


Modern Embalmer, 

Personal and careful attention 
\ given at all times. JLIxperienced lady 
I assistant. Telephone 7ii2-2. 

■ No. 55 Hanover Street. 

Circular free, postal brings it. If you 
have a farm to sell, send for descriptive 
card and ' terms. We want agents 
where we are not represented. Send 
for blanks. Dept. 144. 

P. F. Leland's Farm Agency 

Established 1892 
113 Devonshire St. Boston, Mass. 

Photo-Engraving, Printing, 
Book Binding. 


The Rumford Press Concord, N. H. 

Photo-Engravers for the Granite State Magazine. 

Books Bought, Sold and Exchanged 

We read books, we write books, we believe in books, we deal 
i books. We can furnish you any book you want as cheap, or 
heaper, than anyone else. If you are a subscriber to the Granite 
State Magazine, we offer special inducements. 


This series grows in interest with every number. In Stage-Coach Da) 
reaches its fourth instalment and becomes more local in its relatioi 
The third instalment of Rambles in Whittier Land will be illustrate 
with a picture of the poet's homestead. "The White Feather of th 
Ossipee" makes the fifth of Indian Traditions and is a typical tale c 
•wild wood in the days of the aborigines. Besides there will be othc 
articles of equal value, while the general make-up will be as attractiv 
as usual. 

Among the. attractions listed for early use are "The Indians of th 
Merrimack Valley," by the Hon. John G. Crawford. With an origin; 
drawing by F. Holland; "Captain Stevens' Scout Journal," edited an 
annotated, with sketch of Captain Stevens, by G. W. Browne. Th 
article will be accompanied by Marks' painting of "Old Number Foil 
Fort;" "Life of Col. William Stark," Legend of the White Ston 
Canoe, Oldtime Sketches, etc. 

Reliable Employment Office 

We make a specialty of Help for Private Families 

Hotels, Restaurants, Boarding- Houses 

Farms and Lumber Camps 

Inquiries by Mail or Telephone Receive Prompt and Courteous Attention 

226 TiTe Kennard, Elm St. Tel. Con. Manchester, N. H 

Let us weave the warp ofjinance so it will literally produce the cloth of GOLD 


Unlisted STOCKS and BONDS Bought and Sold 


Room 11 Odd Fellows Building Manchester, N, H 

Telephone 2086 W 
MTien answering advertisements mention the Granite State Magazin 





/ 3.163.630 05 [ 946.7e3.34 \ " 

/ 3.303.575.24 i 972.327.26 \ 

Fire Insurance Co. 

3 877. 646 . 70 

3 9II.74J.3. 

4.069. I40.C7 

■4.3IO. 836 13 

4.500.404 12 

4,eei. I-.3.9! 

5.:96,Oi7 49 

193. 546. Of 

193 685.49 

.257. OSS. 25 

I-OS.C3I. 54 


5.553. 270 70 


TOTAL LIABILITIES $2,424,939.88 


Relieved at Once by 

(Barrier's Rheumatic Pilis 

Druggists Sell Them Everywhere 


In Large or Small Lots. We Pay Cash. Address 

Granite State Pub, Co., 64 Hanover St., Manchester, N. H. 




s • 

- if 



\ ^ AV .' 
















OCTOBER, 1909 


OS. I'J 

Note these 

e f se Monarch Superiority 

Q Lightest Touch, easiest action. Greatest speed, 
quickest return of typebars 

Q Back Space Key, saves time and trouble when re- 
printing or making corrections. 

Q Variable Line Space makes it possible to write on 
ruled paper. 

Q Tabulator Key, tabulates in any number of columns ; 
you press the one key for any column. 

(\ Made with eight different widths of carriage, writing 
any length of line up to 30.6 inches. 

Monarch Visible Typewriters Rented 

Manchester Typewriter Exchange 

Manchester, IV. H, * Phone 580 

Expert Typewriter Repairing. All Machines 



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y/OL. VI 

OCT. - NOV., 1909 




Note these 
Points of 

Monarch Superiority 

Q Lightest Touch, easiest action. Greatest speed, 
quickest return of typebais. 

Q Back Space Key, saves time and trouble when re- 
printing or making corrections. 

G( Variable Line Space makes it possible to write on 
ruled paper. 

Q Tabulator Key, tabulates in any number of columns ; 
you press the one key for any column. 

(J Made with eight different widths of carriage, writing 
any length of line up to 30.6 inches. 

Monarch Visible Typewriters Rented 

Manchester Typewriter Exchange 

Manchester, N. H. 'Phone 580 

Expert Typewriter Repairing. All Machines 

- i ■ 


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Reflectoscope Evenings of 
Amusement and Instruction 



nd Fi 

n from start 


sh ' 



. dull mo- 

ment ! 

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'•Re lie.: 






the latest 







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tnends "II!- 


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and with a Reflectoscope reproduce them on a screen six 
feet square for the amusement of all. ( )r give an even- 
ing of serious interest — an Evening of travel .^"Per- 
sonally Conducted Tour" with the help of a few ordi- 
nary Post Cards and a Reflectoscope lo turn them into 
brilliant six-foot pictures. 

TV Post Card MaQic Lantern 

The Reflectoscope is no more a toy than the phono- 
graph. It i- an improved magic lantern, using instead 
of 'slides, 'any sort ol Post Card. Sketch, Photograph or 
Clipping, "arid for the first time gives to such illustrations 
a real value for personal amusement or the entertain- 
ment of friends. The Reflectoscope throws on a screen 

r drawing in all the brilliant coloring of the original. It 
suggest themselves to every owner. Enclosed with machine 

4 suggestions called 


The pri< e of the Reflectoscope, handsomely japenned in Black and Red. and mounted complete ready for 
use is $5.00. It is already on sale at many dealers or send the price to US and we will forward the 
machine anywhere in the U. S., express prepaid. In ordering specify whether machine is wanted for gas or 

a clear, six-foot : 
never grows old. 
or sent on reque 

tproductton of such Post Card 

A hundred entertainments wi 

;t. is a descriptive booklet with 


79 Union Street, Boston, Mass, 

- ■ 


■ — 

. . - 


32 Varieties 

1 to 4 Burners 

From $3.25 Up 

The TINGLE LUMP is the cleanest 
and simplest complete lighting 
method. Rivals the conve= 

nience of gas. Gosts 1=8 as 

The Cheapest form Of Light YettheAngle Lamp is the cheapest form of artificial 
light. It is fully 1-3 to 1-2 more economical that the ordinary lamp, giving- a full 16 hours of the 
finest light on a quart of oil, whereas the ordinary round wick lamp consumes the same quan- 
tity in 5 to 7 hours. In this way an Angle Lamp saves its entire cost in a few months. But call 
and see the lamp or write for booklet giving full details about this clean, convenient, economical 
lamp. Advertise'! everywhere, on sale here. 

GLOBE GAS LIGHT CO.,, 79 Union St., Boston, Mass, 









. ~-r 


' £ 

/'3 % 


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\/OL VI JANUARY^APRIL, 1910' Nos. 6- ( 

New from Cover to Cover ip 

new hT 


IJUSTI3SUED. Ei.h Chief, Dr, |J 

I W. T. Harris, former U. S. Con. cf 2gu= I 

cation. ^ General hifonaaiica Practically jj 

Doubled. £3 Divided Pare: Important Wcrds j 

Above, Less Important Celow. CJ Contains ! 

More Information of Interest to More j 

People Than Any Other Dictionary. 


GET THE BEST in Scholarship, jj 
Convenience, Authority, Utility. 


Write tor Specimen images 
G.&C.KERRIAM CO., Publisher*. Springfield. Mass. ; ! 
You •will co us a favor to mention this publication. \) 

Frederick L Wallace 


j Modern Embalmer. 

Personal and careful attention 
I given at all times. Experienced lady 
j assistant. Telephone 732-2. 

I No, 55 Hanover Street, 

Book Printing 



No. 143 Hanover Street, 

Photo-Engraving, Printing, 
Book Binding. 


The Rumford Press 

Concord, N* H 

Photo-Engravers for the Granite State Magazine. 

Books Bought, Sold and Exchanged 

We read books, we write books, we believe in books, we deal 
in books. We can furnish you any book you want as cheap, or 
cheaper, than anyone else. If you are a subscriber to the Granite 
State Magazine, we offer special inducements. 







■•- • , 


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ROBERT PERKINS BASS * A. Sta# Contributor 
THE PURITAN * ' > . Character Sketch 


N. H. FIRE INSURANCE CO. . Gray Fairlee 

-. VI MAY, 1910 No. 10 


Are you willing to sit back and a little later hear of the 
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If not, then accept the wonderful opportunities that are 
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Coal yesterday was a public necessity; today a new era 
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Yesterday was the COAL age; today we are on the ^res- 
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The amazing profits now being made by the oil companies 
of Californnia far outdistances the profits of all other under- 

We have spent time and money in investigating these con- 
ditions, and our knowledge thus obtained has made us enthusi- 
asts. When you learn the facts you will be enthusiastic also. 

The field is so large, the production so certain, and the re- 
sult so astonishing, that not even a wooden man could remain 

To obtain this information, and to profit by it, get in touch 
with us at once. To holders of 





and any other listed or unlisted stock, wire, telephone, write, or 
better still, call on us and let us quote you a basis for exchange 
into a- good, live and going California oil stock. You cannot 
afford to miss this opportunity. 

Don't believe that big things are out of your reach. Don't 
leave it for the other fellow to reap the big man's share. Don't 
be afraid of 100 percent, profit. 


Facts, figures, maps, pictures, government reports and all 
possible details furnished for the asking. 



9 Doane St., Tel. Main 6646 Boston, Mass. 

GLfc COP . 

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■ ■ •-.•'■- YOU ' . : L/RSELP 



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vv:>2 '- hi L l ;iii J L-*f: homes; second— A Rai^cl and Sef« Sn- 

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^HE state of New Hampshire | -?|J£ want to find a thoroughly 
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The local Bel] : him to .;•, . 

and 1 . . The rig- 'dig 
in touch ' 

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